Which 50501 state hubs registered as formal organizations and what are their public filings?

1. What the sources agree on: decentralization and informal hubs

Multiple primary sources present 50501 as a grassroots, decentralized coalition of autonomous state “hubs” and volunteer organizers rather than a single incorporated entity, with the official fiftyfifty.one site and its events page stating local events are organized by independent volunteers and that there is no centralized control ^{[3] [4]}, and BuildTheResistance likewise describing a loosely coordinated, hub‑based network across states ^[5].

2. The national legal status: no central 501(c)/501(c) on record in reporting

Rolling Stone’s investigation is explicit that “there is no formal 50501 group” and that no national 501(c) or 501(c) organization exists with the ability to accept donations, which establishes the mainstream reporting position that 50501’s national apparatus has not been incorporated or recognized as a tax‑exempt entity in the sources provided ^[1].

3. The Massachusetts exception: Mass 50501’s claim of formal registration

Mass 50501’s own “Who We Are” page asserts that volunteers organized a state group that “we are now a registered 501(c) with hundreds of active volunteers,” and that the Massachusetts team coordinates local actions and shares resources with other chapters ^[2]. The source is an organizational self‑description; the supplied reporting does not include scanned IRS determination letters, state incorporation documents, or links to Form 8976/1024‑A or Form 990 filings to verify beyond the site’s claim ^[2].

4. What public filings, if any, are implied by the claim of 501(c) status

If Mass 50501 is in fact a 501(c), federal procedures and common practice suggest certain forms might exist: social welfare groups are required to file IRS Form 8976 (Notice of Intent to Operate Under Section 501(c)), may file Form 1024‑A to seek explicit recognition (optional), and typically would obtain an Employer Identification Number and file annual returns as applicable ^[6]. Additionally, state incorporation or charity registration rules could create separate public records (articles of incorporation, state annual reports) depending on Massachusetts law and whether the entity incorporated as a nonprofit under state statutes ^{[6] [7]}. The supplied sources do not, however, include those specific filings for Mass 50501.

5. Where reporting is silent or ambiguous: other state hubs and filings

There is no evidence in the provided reporting that other named state hubs have formally registered as nonprofits or social welfare organizations; the official 50501 movement materials and independent press coverage emphasize informal mutual recognition and shared principles rather than formal enrollment ^{[3] [1]}. That means the available reporting cannot confirm registered status, IRS filings, or state incorporation documents for hubs beyond Massachusetts; absence of evidence in these sources is not a claim that such filings do not exist elsewhere, only that they are not documented here.

6. Interpreting motivations and potential agendas around formalization

The movement’s public messaging on decentralization—highlighted by organizers and by Evolved_Fungi’s intentional step back from leadership in Rolling Stone’s profile—serves both tactical aims (resilience, rapid grassroots growth) and political signaling (nonpartisan, organic legitimacy), while simultaneously making it harder for journalists and regulators to map formal financial or governance structures ^[1]. Mass 50501’s choice to register as a 501(c), if confirmed through public filings, would reflect a different strategic posture: accepting the legal visibility and obligations that accompany formalization while maintaining policy advocacy capacities available to 501(c)s ^{[2] [6]}.