What specific documents did Mazars produce showing $7.8 million in foreign payments to Trump entities, and what remains undisclosed?

1. What Mazars actually turned over: invoices, receipts and ledgers for a narrow slice of businesses

The documents Mazars produced — described in the Oversight Democrats’ report and accompanying materials — were accounting records, including payment ledgers, receipts and related transactional documents that tied hotel bookings, apartment rents and event charges to foreign-government payors and their agents for the identified properties, and those records were the basis for the $7.8 million figure ^{[3] [1] [6]}. Democratic staffers analyzed these Mazars records and supplemented them with public records to attribute payments to specific governments and entities; for example, the records show substantial rent from the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China to Trump Tower and payments from Chinese entities to Trump hotels ^{[7] [6] [8]}.

2. Which properties and payors appear in the produced files

The subset of Mazars documents specifically documents transactions at three owned or managed properties in New York, Washington, D.C., and Las Vegas, with committee investigators also identifying significant spending at a fourth property (Trump Tower on Fifth Avenue) from public records; the report lists payors from at least 20 foreign governments, with China accounting for the largest documented share — roughly $5.5 million in the produced slice — and other governments including Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E., Qatar, Kuwait and Malaysia among those recorded ^{[2] [3] [9] [10]}.

3. Why the $7.8 million is explicitly a partial accounting

Oversight Democrats and reporting stress that the Mazars production was incomplete: the $7.8 million total covers only two years of Trump’s presidency and just four of the more than 500 Trump-owned entities, meaning the figure is “likely only a small fraction” of total foreign payments during the term ^{[1] [3] [9]}. Committee Democrats say Mazars either lacked or did not retain key ledgers for several properties (Turnberry in Scotland, Trump Chicago, Trump New York hotel) and that Republican leadership under Chair Comer ended the court-ordered production, curtailing further searches and review ^{[1] [5] [11]}.

4. Explicit examples contained in the Mazars tranche and how the committee used them

The produced records included, according to the Democratic report and press releases, items such as multi-month hotel stays and corporate rent payments tied to state-owned or state-linked entities — for example, Chinese state-owned bank rent at Trump Tower and a lengthy stay paid by Hainan Airlines at the Las Vegas hotel — which the committee cited as concrete instances of foreign government-linked spending into Trump businesses while he held office ^{[7] [6] [8]}. The Democrats’ analysis connects those payments to contemporaneous foreign-policy interactions, though the documents themselves generally record commercial transactions rather than explicit quid pro quo communications ^{[3] [6]}.

5. What remains undisclosed and the procedural barriers to fuller accounting

Significant categories of records remain undisclosed because Mazars either did not have complete ledgers, was never provided them by the Trump organization, or was released from the court-supervised production after a 2022 settlement was terminated — limitations Democrats say were enabled by coordination between Committee leadership and Trump’s attorneys and that prevented further compelled searches for records tied to other countries and properties ^{[1] [4] [11]}. As a result, the public record lacks comprehensive transactional detail across the full universe of Trump entities, a complete time series for the presidency, and responsive records tied to nations and properties specifically cited by Democrats as likely to expand the totals ^{[1] [3]}.