What evidence exists for the role of local collaborators in mass shootings and deportations in specific occupied countries (e.g., Lithuania, Ukraine, Hungary)?

Checked on January 16, 2026
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Executive summary

Local collaborators played demonstrable, varied roles in mass shootings and deportations across occupied Eastern Europe: in Lithuania and Ukraine, police battalions, auxiliary units, nationalist militias and civilians materially supported Einsatzgruppen operations and local mass murder or assisted deportations [1] [2] [3], while in Hungary police, gendarmerie and state organs were crucial to the deportation machinery that sent Jews to killing centers under German direction [1] [4].

1. Lithuania — auxiliary police, provisional authorities, and pogrom participation

Multiple archival and scholarly accounts document that Lithuanian auxiliary police units and elements of the provisional Lithuanian administration actively assisted Nazi killing operations in 1941, cooperating with Einsatzgruppen in mass shootings at sites such as Kaunas and Ponary and helping to round up Jews for later deportations and camp guard duty [5] [2] [6]. Contemporary institutional summaries state that Lithuanian formations “played an active part in Holocaust crimes and mass murder of civilians,” noting specific battalions (TDA, Auxiliary Police) implicated in mass shootings and guard service at camps such as Majdanek and actions like the Ninth Fort massacre [7] [2]. Historians also stress that local antisemitic tropes, fear of Soviet repression, and some opportunistic motives created a social environment in which collaborators were recruited and sometimes acted on their own initiative [6] [2].

2. Ukraine — auxiliary police, Schutzmannschaft, nationalist factions, and scale of collaboration

Scholarly syntheses and museum exhibits report wide, documented assistance by Ukrainian auxiliaries to German mobile killing units: Schutzmannschaft battalions, the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police, and other auxiliaries rounded up, guarded, and shot Jewish populations in mass actions including Babi Yar and many regional massacres, contributing to the very high death toll in occupied Ukrainian territories [3] [8] [9]. Scholarly estimates cite tens of thousands who served in such police formations and emphasize participation in shootings, camp operations, and anti-partisan counterinsurgency that often targeted civilians [3] [10]. At the same time, historians point to heterogeneity: some Ukrainians resisted or helped Jews, postwar trials and memory politics complicate attribution, and nationalist aspirations sometimes intersected with, but did not wholly determine, participation in crimes [11] [8].

3. Hungary and other occupied/Axis states — administrative facilitation of deportations

In territories under German influence or allied regimes, local state organs — police forces, gendarmerie, and civil administrations — were frequently essential to carrying out deportations ordered by Nazi authorities; Hungary is specifically cited as a case where police and gendarmerie “were vital to implementing the German-initiated policy of deporting Jews … to the killing centers in the east” [1]. Broad overviews of the Holocaust note that in several Axis-aligned and occupied countries (Hungary, Slovakia, Romania, Croatia, Bulgaria) domestic fascist groups or state security apparatuses sometimes initiated violence, carried out roundups, or otherwise enabled mass murder and deportations, with significant variation by country and period [1] [4].

4. Accountability, contested narratives, and evidentiary limits

Postwar trials, archival investigations and modern memorial work have produced abundant evidence of local complicity — exemplified by trials of collaborators, Einsatzgruppen reports, and scholarship on auxiliary police — but the record is uneven: some regions preserved extensive documentation and legal proceedings, while others saw Soviet-era narratives, political taboos, or postwar population shifts complicate research and memory [11] [4]. Sources caution against simplistic national culpability narratives: collaboration ranged from coerced or opportunistic service in security formations to voluntary, ideologically motivated participation, and some contemporaries and later actors resisted or protected victims [6] [11]. Where primary-source coverage is thin or contested in the provided reporting, that absence limits firm statements about individual motivations or the full scale of local involvement in every locality [10].

5. How historians reconstruct the role of collaborators — methods and challenges

Historical reconstruction relies on German operational reports (Einsatzgruppen documentation), trial records, local administrative files, survivor testimony and later commissions; these converging lines show auxiliaries, police battalions, and nationalist militias materially enabled mass shootings and deportations in Lithuania and Ukraine and contributed to deportation logistics in Hungary and other states, yet interpretation of motives and the balance between coercion and voluntarism remains debated among historians and within national memory debates [9] [1] [10].

Want to dive deeper?
What archival sources document the involvement of Lithuanian auxiliary police in the Ponary and Ninth Fort massacres?
How did postwar trials in the USSR and Eastern Europe treat local collaborators accused of participating in deportations and mass shootings?
What evidence exists for resistance or rescue of Jews by local actors in Lithuania and Ukraine during 1941–44?