How did Patton express his views on postwar occupation and denazification?

Checked on January 21, 2026
Disclaimer: Factually can make mistakes. Please verify important information or breaking news. Learn more.

Executive summary

George S. Patton publicly and privately attacked Allied denazification after World War II as excessive and counterproductive, likening the purge of former Nazis to routine partisan politics and arguing for pragmatic compromises to restore order and industry in occupied Germany [1] [2]. Those remarks provoked a sharp political backlash that accelerated denazification measures in the American zone and contributed to Patton’s removal from key occupation posts [3] [4].

1. Public pronouncements: denazification “like a Democrat‑Republican election fight”

Patton voiced blunt skepticism about the necessity of rooting out former Nazis in a public exchange with reporters, famously reducing the issue to “just like a Democrat‑Republican election fight,” language captured in occupation records and contemporary press accounts and repeated in official Army histories [1] [5]. That sound bite framed his stance for the broader public: denazification was, in his telling, a political squabble rather than an existential moral or security imperative [2].

2. Practical language: “compromise with the devil” and economic urgency

He went beyond analogy to counsel accommodation, telling reporters that to get Germany’s economy and services running the Allies would “have to compromise with the devil a little bit,” an expression the press quoted as shorthand for his willingness to tolerate former Nazis in non‑sensitive roles to avert chaos and revive industry [6]. This practical, reconstruction‑first rhetoric echoed Patton’s impatience with occupation paperwork and his preference for restoring normalcy over exhaustive purges [7].

3. Private views and sympathy toward ordinary Germans

Contemporary accounts and later commentators report that Patton’s private correspondence and administrative choices showed sympathy for many ordinary Germans and a desire to re‑empower local officials who would cooperate with occupation authorities, a stance defenders say was aimed at stabilizing Bavaria and jump‑starting the economy [7] [8]. Available sources note his emphasis on practical governance, but historians caution that some claims about his private motives come from secondary readings of letters and diaries and are not uniformly documented in the provided reporting [8].

4. Institutional clash: Eisenhower, occupation policy, and legal reaction

Patton’s public airing of these views collided with broader Allied policy and prompted institutional pushback: Supreme commanders and occupation administrators—concerned with enforcing Potsdam‑era objectives—viewed his comments as undermining denazification, and the resulting controversy helped galvanize stricter measures such as Law No. 8 restricting employment of former Nazis in industry [3] [9]. Eisenhower’s staff and others sought to rebuke or moderate field commanders who wanted to slow or soften denazification, making Patton’s remarks politically consequential [1] [9].

5. Political and career consequences: controversy, reassignment, and legacy

The uproar over his statements and administrative approach contributed to Patton’s removal from the Bavarian governorship and reassignment to a less consequential command, a demotion contemporaries and later historians link to the denazification incident among other controversial postwar pronouncements [4] [3]. The episode hardened advocates of thorough purges and, paradoxically, supplied momentum for enforcement even as some military officers argued that selective reuse of experienced German administrators was necessary for recovery [3] [7].

6. Competing perspectives and limits of the record

Supporters of strict denazification in the press and government argued that leaving former Nazis in positions of power risked justice and future instability, a judgment that led to intensified purges after the Patton controversy [3]. Scholars and practitioners who praise Patton’s approach emphasize the short‑term benefits to civil order and industry [7], but the sourced materials here do not settle long‑term counterfactuals—whether his policies would have reduced suffering or invited political relapse—so definitive claims about outcomes lie beyond the provided reporting [7] [9].

Want to dive deeper?
How did Allied denazification policies differ across the American, British, and Soviet occupation zones?
What were the contents and effects of Law No. 8 in the American occupation zone of Germany?
How did Eisenhower and Allied civilian administrators justify stricter denazification after Patton’s comments?