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Fact check: What role does the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms play in crime bill rulings?

Checked on October 7, 2025

Executive Summary

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms functions as the constitutional guardrail in disputes over crime bills: it constrains government measures that abridge protected rights such as reasonable bail, liberty, and free expression, and it provides a legal pathway for courts to strike down or narrow laws they find inconsistent with Charter guarantees. Recent debates about proposed three‑strikes bail rules and a federal hate‑crime bill show the Charter both as a likely judicial check and a political flashpoint, with experts warning of probable constitutional challenges [1] [2].

1. Why experts say a three‑strikes bail rule risks being “plainly unconstitutional”

Legal scholars and commentators argue that a mandatory three‑strikes regime removing judicial discretion to grant bail would likely violate Section 11(e) and Section 7 protections under the Charter, which cover the right not to be denied reasonable bail and the right to life, liberty and security of the person. Emmett Macfarlane’s statement that such a scheme would be “plainly unconstitutional” reflects a mainstream constitutional reading that blanket preventive detention without individualized justification is incompatible with principles of fundamental justice and established Supreme Court jurisprudence [1]. Courts have repeatedly required proportionality and individualized assessment before depriving liberty.

2. How the Charter shapes scrutiny of hate‑crime legislation and speech limits

When governments draft hate‑crime laws that restrict promotion of symbols or criminalize certain displays, the Charter’s guarantee of freedom of expression under Section 2(b) triggers strict judicial scrutiny and the Oakes test for justified limits. The federal bill’s stated aim to balance protection of vulnerable groups with free‑speech values signals awareness of Charter constraints, but experts and critics expect courts to closely examine whether prohibitions are sufficiently narrow, evidence‑based, and proportionate to pressing objectives [2]. The Charter requires that criminal laws targeting expression demonstrate a demonstrable and pressing objective and minimal impairment.

3. The notwithstanding clause: political tool, judicial boundary

The Charter includes Section 33 — the notwithstanding clause — which allows legislatures to temporarily override certain Charter protections. The national conversation about Quebec’s Bill 21 and the use of Section 33 illustrates its dual role: it offers governments a political mechanism to insulate legislation from judicial review while also provoking constitutional and public backlash. Discussions about crime bills sometimes reference Section 33 as a means to shield tough measures from being struck down, but invoking it carries political costs and does not apply to all Charter rights, leaving courts as the default arbiters for most constitutional objections [3].

4. Provincial pushes for mandatory minimums and federal limits: Charter collision course

Ontario’s requests for stricter bail and sentencing rules, including a move to revive mandatory minimums and a three‑strikes bail rule, create a likely collision with Charter jurisprudence that has scrutinized mandatory sentencing for arbitrariness and gross disproportionality. Provincial proposals framed as public‑safety imperatives face the Charter’s demand for individualized sentencing and procedural protections; courts will weigh empirical evidence of efficacy against constitutional costs when challenged. The political imperative to appear tough on crime often contrasts with the Charter’s procedural safeguards and proportionality requirements [4].

5. How courts actually apply the Charter in crime bill rulings

Canadian courts apply a structured two‑step approach: first determining whether an impugned law interferes with a Charter right, then applying the Oakes proportionality test to see if the infringement can be justified under Section 1. In practice, this means laws that categorically remove judicial discretion or criminalize broad categories of expression face high hurdles; courts demand clear legislative evidence and narrow tailoring. Recent commentary indicates that lawmakers crafting hate‑crime or bail legislation are aware that vague or overbroad provisions will be vulnerable to judicial invalidation or reading‑down remedies [2].

6. Political messaging versus constitutional limits: competing agendas

Proponents of tougher crime bills often emphasize deterrence and public safety, while civil‑liberties advocates and constitutional scholars stress rights protection and rule‑of‑law limits. Media coverage and political advocacy can frame the Charter as an obstacle to reform or as a necessary protector of individual rights; both frames serve distinct agendas. The reporting on proposed measures shows governments attempting to balance electoral pressures for tougher measures against legal advice warning of Charter vulnerabilities, and opponents using constitutional arguments to challenge political priorities [1].

7. What to watch next: litigation, legislative fixes, and political trade‑offs

Expect any enacted three‑strikes or expansive hate‑speech provisions to trigger rapid constitutional challenges, with courts assessing individualized liberty claims and free‑expression safeguards; outcomes will hinge on legislative clarity, evidentiary support, and whether governments try to employ Section 33. If courts strike down provisions, legislatures may either amend bills to meet Charter standards or pursue political strategies that risk invoking the notwithstanding clause. The interplay of judicial review, legislative drafting, and public debate will determine whether proposed crime bills survive constitutional scrutiny or are reshaped by Charter constraints [3] [2].

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