Keep Factually independent

Whether you agree or disagree with our analysis, these conversations matter for democracy. We don't take money from political groups - even a $5 donation helps us keep it that way.

Loading...Goal: 1,000 supporters
Loading...

Fact check: How have federal courts ruled on non-census year redistricting cases since 2020?

Checked on September 9, 2025

1. Summary of the results

The federal courts have played a significant role in shaping the redistricting process, with 36 of 40 midcycle redistricting changes since 1970 being made in response to a court order or imposed by a court itself [1]. However, the Supreme Court's ruling that federal courts have no authority to intervene in partisan gerrymandering cases has led to continued gerrymandering by both Republican and Democratic states [2]. Key cases have highlighted the complexities and challenges of redistricting, including the role of independent commissions and the limitations on partisan gerrymandering [3]. Some states, such as Texas and Georgia, have voluntarily redrawn their congressional maps between censuses for partisan advantage [1], while others, like Missouri, Ohio, Florida, and Indiana, are considering or have already begun redistricting efforts [4]. The legal landscape surrounding redistricting is complex and evolving, with ongoing challenges to the Voting Rights Act and the use of independent commissions [2].

2. Missing context/alternative viewpoints

A crucial aspect of the redistricting process is the role of independent commissions, which some states have established to oversee the process, but the effectiveness of these commissions is uncertain [2]. Additionally, the impact of mid-decade redistricting on the balance of power in the House of Representatives is a significant concern, as it could lead to a shift in power dynamics [4]. The historical context of redistricting in the United States is also essential, as it highlights the rare instances of states taking the initiative to redraw maps outside of the usual census cycle [1]. Alternative viewpoints include the perspective that midcycle redistricting is necessary to address changes in population and ensure fair representation, while others argue that it is a partisan tactic to gain an advantage [5]. Furthermore, the constraints on mid-decade redistricting, including state constitutional provisions, state court decisions, and federal laws such as the Voting Rights Act, are essential considerations [6].

3. Potential misinformation/bias in the original statement

The original statement may be misleading in implying that federal courts have consistently ruled against non-census year redistricting cases, when in fact, the courts have played a significant role in shaping the process [1]. The statement may also overlook the complexities and challenges of redistricting, including the role of independent commissions and the limitations on partisan gerrymandering [3]. The partisan bias of some sources, such as those highlighting the efforts of Texas Republicans to redraw congressional maps, may also be a concern [4]. Additionally, the lack of context regarding the historical and legal background of redistricting in the United States may lead to a narrow perspective on the issue [1]. It is essential to consider multiple viewpoints and sources to gain a comprehensive understanding of the topic, including the perspectives of Democratic and Republican states, as well as the role of independent commissions [2].

Want to dive deeper?
What are the implications of non-census year redistricting on voting rights?
Can states redraw congressional districts outside of census years?
How have federal courts interpreted the constitutionality of non-census year redistricting?
What role does the Voting Rights Act play in non-census year redistricting cases?
Have there been any notable Supreme Court decisions on non-census year redistricting since 2020?