What evidence do the plaintiffs cite in Hussen v. Noem to prove a pattern of racial profiling by ICE and CBP in Minnesota?

Checked on January 26, 2026
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Executive summary

The plaintiffs in Hussen v. Noem ground their claim of a pattern of racial profiling in Minnesota on detailed individual incidents, contemporaneous agency operations and directives, and corroborating community reports — arguing those pieces together show systematic, suspicionless stops and warrantless arrests disproportionately targeting Somali and Latino residents [1] [2] [3]. The complaint and ACLU press materials describe both specific encounters (most prominently Mubashir Khalif Hussen’s detention) and broader operational features (large “strike team” deployments and Operation Metro Surge) as the evidentiary core of the case [1] [4].

1. Individual, contemporaneous eyewitness and plaintiff accounts that allege race-based stops and arrests

The complaint relies first on detailed sworn accounts from the named plaintiffs, especially Hussen, who says masked officers in an unmarked vehicle grabbed him while he was walking to lunch, ignored his repeated statements that he was a U.S. citizen, refused to check identification including a supervisor’s copy of his passport card, placed him in a headlock and put him in an SUV before transporting him to an ICE field office and releasing him without charges [1] [5] [4]. Those incident-level allegations are presented as paradigmatic: plaintiffs emphasize that officers never sought identifying information, never asked about ties to the community, and did not seek any individualized suspicion, which the complaint frames as evidence the stops were based on perceived race or ethnicity rather than behavior [6] [4].

2. Operational evidence: mass deployments, “strike teams,” and Operation Metro Surge

Beyond singular encounters, the suit points to the scale and design of recent federal operations in Minnesota — including an ICE operation that directed so‑called strike teams and sought to move roughly 100 officers and agents from around the country — as evidence the activity was not ad hoc but systematic [1]. The ACLU and local filings tie these deployments to the administration’s broader “Operation Metro Surge” in the Twin Cities, arguing the concentrated, aggressive nature of those sweeps is consistent with a program that targets large segments of populations identified by location, language, or perceived ethnicity [3] [4].

3. Patterns reported by communities and the press pointing to Somali and Latino targeting

The complaint and accompanying ACLU statements cite contemporaneous reports and community testimony documenting that Somali and Latino residents experienced a spate of stops and arrests in recent weeks, which the plaintiffs and civil‑rights groups say establishes a pattern rather than isolated mistakes [3] [7]. Media coverage and ACLU outreach stressing that residents described suspicionless encounters — and that fear spread through immigrant neighborhoods — are used as corroboration that the incidents fit a broader, discriminatory pattern [6] [8].

4. Allegations about law enforcement behavior that the plaintiffs say demonstrate profiling, not lawful enforcement

Plaintiffs emphasize common procedural features across incidents — agents making no effort to establish individualized suspicion, not presenting warrants, refusing or ignoring proof of citizenship, and conducting warrantless seizures — arguing those shared behaviors are inconsistent with ordinary law enforcement protocols and thus indicative of race‑based targeting [2] [6] [7]. The complaint characterizes these recurrent tactics as violations of equal‑protection and Fourth Amendment protections, framing the conduct as an institutional practice rather than isolated misconduct [2] [9].

5. Legal and contextual hooks: prior rulings and national policy context cited as supporting evidence

The plaintiffs situate their local allegations within a national legal and policy context — pointing to parallel litigation and judicial findings elsewhere that government immigration operations have been characterized as targeting broad population segments by race, ethnicity, language, location or occupation, which they argue makes the Minnesota conduct part of a wider pattern [10] [11]. ACLU statements also link the Minnesota actions to national directives and political rhetoric that plaintiffs say encouraged such targeting, citing contemporaneous public debate and federal operational guidance as relevant background [6] [3].

6. Limits of the public record and what the complaint still must prove in court

While the complaint assembles individual narratives, operational descriptions and community reports to allege a pattern, the public filings and press releases summarize allegations rather than adjudicated proof; a federal judge has already requested more evidence before issuing emergency relief, underscoring that these claims — though detailed — remain allegations awaiting development, discovery, and judicial findings [7]. The public materials cited here come from the ACLU complaint and supporting press coverage; they document the plaintiffs’ evidentiary theory but do not yet represent court‑established fact [1] [9].

Want to dive deeper?
What specific documents or internal DHS directives have plaintiffs sought in discovery for Hussen v. Noem?
How have Minnesota Somali and Latino community organizations documented stops and arrests since December 2025?
What did the federal court say when it declined to issue immediate injunctive relief in Hussen v. Noem?