Who are the alleged victims and witnesses named in the ICC investigation into Trump?

Checked on January 26, 2026
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Executive summary

There is no public record in the provided reporting of an active International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation that names "victims and witnesses" specifically tied to former President Donald Trump; the material instead documents U.S. efforts to block or deter ICC scrutiny of U.S. and allied officials and the concrete harms those measures have had on witnesses, advocates and court staff involved in other ICC probes (Afghanistan, Gaza, Myanmar) [1] [2] [3]. Reporting names ICC targets (e.g., Netanyahu, Yoav Gallant, Ibrahim al‑Masri) and identifies advocates, investigators and defectors who have tried to provide evidence to the Court, but it does not provide a list of victims or witnesses explicitly tied to an ICC case against Trump himself [1] [4] [5].

1. What the sources actually say about an “ICC investigation into Trump”

Multiple outlets report that the Trump administration has pressured the ICC to amend its mandate to prevent prosecutions of Trump and top officials and threatened sanctions if the Court does not comply, but none of the provided pieces documents an ICC investigation that names victims or witnesses against Trump by name; Reuters and Foreign Policy describe the U.S. demand to shield Trump and to close or deprioritize probes into U.S. conduct (not naming victims) [1] [2], and other commentary warns the sanctions could chill cooperation with ongoing ICC probes rather than identify complainants in a Trump-specific case [6] [7].

2. Who is named in the coverage as targets, not victims: accused leaders and sanctioned court staff

Reporting repeatedly identifies ICC targets in other matters—Israeli leaders Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant, and Hamas figure Ibrahim al‑Masri—who face arrest warrants for alleged war crimes in Gaza; these are defendants, not victims or witnesses [1] [8]. Separately, U.S. actions have sanctioned ICC judges and prosecutors, and media have named senior ICC officials affected by U.S. restrictions—illustrating the dispute’s human toll on the court apparatus rather than identifying victims in a Trump probe [4] [8].

3. Who the reporting identifies as witnesses, advocates or evidence providers affected by sanctions

Coverage documents concrete individuals and groups who serve as potential witnesses, evidence collectors or intermediaries for ICC investigations: two U.S. human‑rights advocates who sued the administration after being barred from assisting the ICC (named in the ACLU lawsuit) [9] [10]; investigative staff who left the ICC because sanctions imperiled their families (PBS) [5]; and researchers and defectors providing testimony—PBS recounts Matthew Smith being stopped from bringing new evidence and mentions a Myanmar military defector whom advocates had planned to offer as a witness [5]. These actors function as sources, witnesses or evidence conduits for the Court’s inquiries into Afghanistan, Gaza and Myanmar, not as plaintiffs in a Trump-specific inquiry [5] [10].

4. The key limitation: no source lists named victims or witnesses in a Trump investigation

Across the supplied reporting, there is an important evidentiary gap: none of the pieces asserts that the ICC has opened a formal investigation that names victims or witnesses alleging crimes by Donald Trump personally, and therefore no verified list of such victims/witnesses exists in these sources; the materials instead focus on U.S. political pressure, sanctions, and the collateral effects on ICC personnel and cooperating advocates [1] [6] [4].

5. Two plausible readings and why they matter for accountability

One reading is procedural: the ICC’s existing inquiries (Afghanistan, Gaza, Myanmar) create channels for victims and witnesses—NGOs, defectors, advocates—to provide evidence, and Trump’s sanctions risk severing those channels by chilling cooperation [3] [5]. Another reading is political: U.S. attempts to secure immunity for Trump would be pre‑emptive pressure on the Court rather than a response to an ongoing Trump‑named case; Reuters and related reporting frame U.S. demands as attempts to re‑write ICC rules and punish Court officials for investigations the U.S. opposes [1] [11]. Both readings explain why the named individuals in the coverage are mainly advocates, investigators and ICC staff (potential witnesses or evidence handlers) rather than identified victims accusing Trump [9] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
Has the ICC formally opened any investigation naming Donald Trump as a suspect or accused party?
Which NGOs and individual advocates have been prevented from cooperating with the ICC due to U.S. sanctions, and what evidence were they preparing to submit?
What standards and protections does the ICC use to protect witnesses and evidence providers from political coercion or retaliatory sanctions?