Which immigrant populations (by nationality, criminal conviction, or length of residence) were most affected under Trump vs. Obama deportation policies?
Executive summary
Under Obama, enforcement explicitly prioritized recent border crossers and immigrants with criminal convictions, and his administration oversaw higher total removals across his terms than Trump’s first term, a fact noted by multiple sources (Obama removals ~3.2–5.3 million across different measures; Trump first‑term removals ~1.0–2.1 million depending on counting) [1] [2] [3]. The Trump approach removed formal prioritization protections and broadened enforcement to include all undocumented immigrants, increasing ICE latitude to arrest and prompting expanded local cooperation (287(g)) and more interior arrests — especially of non‑criminals in later reporting — compared with Obama [4] [5] [6].
1. Different stated priorities: criminals and recent crossers under Obama vs. “all are at risk” under Trump
Obama’s 2014 enforcement memoranda and earlier “Morton memos” focused removals on national‑security threats, people convicted of serious crimes, and recent border crossers, and required more supervisory review for exceptions [4] [7]. By contrast, early Trump directives removed those limitations, framing prosecutorial discretion as non‑binding and warning that “all unauthorized immigrants are at risk,” giving frontline ICE agents broader discretion to apprehend, detain, and remove people regardless of the categories used under Obama [4].
2. Who actually faced deportation: criminal convictions mattered more under Obama
Multiple sources report that Obama’s enforcement emphasized immigrants with criminal charges, especially in his second term — a core explanation for higher formal removals in that period — while Trump’s policies have been characterized as less constrained by categories and more likely to target broader populations [6] [1] [7]. Factchequeado notes that Obama prioritized people with criminal charges, whereas Trump-era categories “don’t matter” in the same way [6].
3. Nationality and populations affected: reporting highlights large totals but not consistent nationality breakdowns
Available sources cite aggregate removal totals across administrations and note impacts on many countries, but these search results do not provide a consistent, detailed breakdown by nationality across both presidencies. Newsweek and other sources provide overall removal counts and reference removals to many countries (for example 5,693 people removed to 121 countries over a two‑week period in early 2025), but specific comparative lists by nationality under Obama vs. Trump are not in the supplied material [2]. Therefore: not found in current reporting.
4. Interior enforcement and local law enforcement roles grew under Trump
Analysts and summaries note that Trump expanded tools such as 287(g) agreements to deputize state and local police, and subsequent reporting says these agreements and expanded detention capacity increased ICE‑initiated arrests — particularly of non‑criminals in 2025 reporting — changing which populations were exposed to deportation compared with Obama’s more targeted approach [4] [5]. The Bipartisan Policy Center flagged that Trump’s memos reduced supervisory checks and permitted wider local enforcement collaboration [4].
5. Numbers and counting differences cloud direct comparisons
Different sources use varying metrics — removals, formal deportations, voluntary returns, detentions — producing divergent headline counts: some pieces assert Obama oversaw the largest numbers in recent history, with figures cited variously as millions removed over his tenure; others indicate Trump removed fewer during his first term but ramped up operations later, with disputed totals in 2025 [1] [2] [3] [8]. Factchequeado warns ICE data fields and reporting practices can be incomplete, complicating apples‑to‑apples comparisons [6].
6. Due process and expedited removal: continuity and critique across administrations
Advocates and analysts say both administrations used expedited removal tools that shortened legal protections; critics portray Obama as a “deporter‑in‑chief” for large removal totals and portray Trump as more aggressive in policy posture and operational breadth — especially when local police cooperation and detention expansion are considered [1] [7] [9]. Voices Heard Foundation and advocacy groups highlight similar due‑process concerns across eras even as priorities differed [1] [9].
7. What the sources don’t settle and what to watch
The supplied reporting establishes clear administrative priority differences — criminal convictions and recent crossers under Obama, broadly expanded targets and local enforcement under Trump — but it does not supply a detailed, comparable matrix of deportations by nationality, conviction type, or exact length of residence for both presidencies. For a definitive breakdown you would need ICE or DHS case‑level datasets or consolidated analysis from TRAC/Deportation Data Project, which are referenced as necessary but not fully present in the supplied sources [6] [10]. Available sources do not mention a comprehensive, reconciled table by nationality and conviction covering both administrations [6] [10].
If you want, I can assemble the specific data points that these sources cite (total removals, interior vs. border removals where reported, and the policy memos) and suggest which datasets (ICE removals tables, TRAC, Deportation Data Project) to request for a precise nationality/conviction/length‑of‑residence comparison.