What are the most recent statistics on sexual assaults and rapes commited interracially in the US? Please use all available sources to make an estimate.

Checked on February 3, 2026
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Executive summary

The most reliable, recent national sources (the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ National Crime Victimization Survey and syntheses of that data) show that sexual violence in the United States is overwhelmingly intraracial — victims and offenders tend to share the same race — but exact, up-to-date percentages for interracial rapes are difficult to pin down because of measurement limits, small sample sizes for some groups, and underreporting [1] [2]. Using available BJS/NCVS-based reporting and recent reviews, the best estimate is that a clear majority of rape and sexual-assault incidents are intraracial, with interracial incidents forming a substantial but minority share — plausibly in the low tens of percent — and with wide uncertainty around any single point estimate [3] [2] [4].

1. What the major U.S. data sources actually say about race and sexual-violence patterns

The Bureau of Justice Statistics’ National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) is the principal source for national estimates of rape and sexual assault victimization and it consistently finds that most violent victimizations are intraracial; the NCVS methodology and recent Criminal Victimization reports (2018–2023, 2019–2023) are explicit about racial categories, standard errors and the difficulty of precise subgroup estimates because of small sample sizes [1] [5]. National Academies and BJS syntheses that tabulate NCVS files reiterate that while American Indian/Alaska Native groups and multiracial respondents report particularly high sexual-victimization rates, the overall pattern across the country is intraracial predominance rather than a higher share of interracial sexual assaults [2].

2. What “interracial” means in these data, and why estimates are imprecise

Analysts warn that definitions and sample sizes matter: many NCVS tables exclude small racial groups from separate tabulation, combine Hispanic origin with race in differing ways, and flag estimates based on very few cases as “interpret with caution,” which makes a precise, recent national share for interracial rape hard to extract from public tables [3] [6]. Researchers also note that residential segregation and patterns of social contact shape opportunity for intra- versus interracial offending, so geography heavily conditions any national estimate [7] [2].

3. What recent summaries and advocates report about racial patterns of perpetrators

Advocacy and public-facing summaries that draw on BJS/NCVS data report the race distribution of perpetrators (for example, a recent compilation cites 27% of perpetrators identified as Black in NCVS-based tables for 2019–2023), but those breakdowns are about offender race, not directly about interracial pairings of offender and victim — and they do not resolve whether an offender’s victim was of the same or a different race [4]. Thus public summaries can be misread to imply higher rates of interracial offending than the underlying NCVS cross-tabulations actually support.

4. Scholarly context and forensic studies that complicate a simple headline

Academic work shows that debates over “increasing interracial rape” have a long history: some researchers argued decades ago that interracial patterns were rising, while subsequent re-analyses highlight measurement change and the role of opportunity (who interacts with whom) rather than an innate preference for cross-race victimization [7] [8]. Clinic- and hospital-based forensic samples add nuance — finding few racial differences in assault characteristics in some regional samples — but these are not population-representative and therefore cannot be scaled to national interracial-rate estimates [9].

5. A cautious, evidence-grounded estimate and its uncertainties

Given the NCVS’s consistent finding that most violent victimizations are intraracial [2] and the caveats in the NCVS tables about small sample sizes and excluded categories [3], the defensible estimate is that the majority (over 50%) of rapes and sexual assaults are intraracial; interracial incidents therefore represent a minority share, plausibly on the order of low tens of percent nationally, with confidence intervals wide and variable by racial pairing and locality. This estimate must be held alongside the major uncertainties: underreporting (roughly two-thirds of sexual assaults are not reported to police), inconsistent racial coding, and local variation mean any single national percentage is provisional [10] [3].

Want to dive deeper?
How does the NCVS measure the race of victims and offenders in sexual-assault incidents, and what are its sampling limitations?
What do state- and city-level data show about interracial sexual-assault patterns in areas with varying levels of residential segregation?
How does underreporting of rape differ by race, and how does that bias national interracial-incident estimates?