Fact check: What specific donors have been named in conflict-of-interest allegations about Letitia James?

Executive Summary — Direct answer up front: The principal individuals named in conflict-of-interest allegations about New York Attorney General Letitia James in the provided materials are John Catsimatidis and his wife, George Soros, and Gerald Migdol (and family). Reported dollar amounts vary across accounts — Catsimatidis and spouse are reported as giving a combined $36,000, Soros is reported as giving either $18,000 or larger sums in different reports, and Migdol and family are reported at about $35,000 — and the records and narratives about timing and exact amounts differ across the sources, producing the dispute at the center of the allegation set ^{[1] [2] [3] [4]}.

1. Who the reporting actually names — and the headlines that drive attention: The materials explicitly name John Catsimatidis (a billionaire businessman) and his wife, George Soros (longstanding Democratic megadonor), and Gerald Migdol (a real estate developer linked in reporting to an indicted politician) as donors cited in conflict-of-interest allegations against Letitia James. Multiple summaries repeat Catsimatidis’ contributions as two $18,000 entries — one from him and one from his wife — totalling $36,000, and they underscore Catsimatidis’ public political ties to figures across the spectrum as context for why conservatives and critics flagged the donations ^[1]. The Soros entries are less consistent, with one source stating an $18,000 donation and another asserting a much larger $150,000 figure in 2020, which is a substantive factual discrepancy that drives differing narratives about influence ^{[2] [3]}. Gerald Migdol and family are reported as contributing roughly $35,000 in another strand of the allegations rooted in local development ties and prior controversies ^[4].

2. What campaign finance records and timelines show — and where they diverge: The reporting grounded in campaign finance data attributes specific contributions on particular dates to Catsimatidis and his wife, with both donating on December 21, 2023, at $18,000 apiece according to campaign filings cited repeatedly in the materials; this specificity is the strongest documented claim across sources ^[1]. By contrast, reporting on Soros contains conflicting figures: one piece cites an $18,000 contribution while another asserts a direct $150,000 gift in 2020 and additional transfers that helped build a multimillion-dollar war chest for James, creating a factual split that cannot be reconciled without returning to primary filings ^{[2] [3]}. The Gerald Migdol figure is presented as $35,000 in older coverage tying donors to a network connected to indicted former state official Brian Benjamin, but the age and provenance of those records differ from the more recent Catsimatidis filings ^[4].

3. How the facts are framed politically — competing narratives and motivations: Coverage emphasizes different angles depending on outlet and context: pieces highlighting Catsimatidis stress the surprise of a known Trump supporter giving to James and frame it as a potential conflict or political curiosity, while reporting focused on Soros tends to place donations in a larger narrative of progressive donor networks influencing state-level litigation priorities ^{[1] [2]}. The Migdol thread appears in local reporting tying donor networks to patronage and corruption concerns stemming from unrelated indictments, which critics use to question judgment or impartiality ^[4]. Each framing serves distinct political instincts: conservative critics use donor identities and partisan histories to allege bias, while other outlets present the donations as part of normal campaign financing unless direct evidence of quid pro quo is shown ^[1].

4. What’s missing from the record — legal thresholds, timelines, and primary documents: The supplied analyses do not include copies or direct citations of the primary campaign finance filings, matching payment records, or contemporaneous recusal memos from the Attorney General’s office; without those documents the amounts, dates, and legal significance remain open to interpretation. The more dramatic claim of a $150,000 Soros donation in 2020 contrasts sharply with other sources’ $18,000 figure, and resolving that requires consulting state Board of Elections filings and FEC or organizational grant records, which the provided materials do not reproduce ^{[2] [3]}. Likewise, allegations tying donations to specific investigations require proof of causation or preferential treatment, not merely proximity in time or shared actors, and those evidentiary steps are absent from the supplied summaries ^{[4] [1]}.

5. Bottom line and what to check next — documents and independent verification: The concrete, well-documented claim across multiple entries is that John Catsimatidis and his wife each gave $18,000 in December 2023 for a combined $36,000, and Gerald Migdol and family are reported at about $35,000 in older local reporting; these are the clearest named donors in the allegations provided. The more consequential discrepancy centers on George Soros, where figures of $18,000 and $150,000 in 2020 both appear; resolving that requires consulting primary campaign finance disclosures and grant records published by relevant agencies or campaign committees ^{[1] [4] [2] [3]}. For readers assessing conflict-of-interest claims, the next step is to review the original filings and any AG office recusal policies and timelines to determine whether donations coincided with action, and whether statutory recusal or documented corrective steps were taken.