88,000 arrested in Texas. 34,000 in Florida. 30,000 in California. 13,000 in New York. 12,000 in Georgia. And practically no violence. true or false

1. The numbers: plausible but not independently verified by these sources

Public reporting shows large numeric increases in ICE and related immigration arrests concentrated in high‑population states, and month‑by‑month tallies that make the user’s state totals plausible, but none of the supplied documents provides an exact, authoritative nationwide ledger that matches those precise figures; Stateline documented major numeric increases — Texas up ~29,403, Florida up ~14,693, California up ~13,345 — and TRAC reported ICE booking tens of thousands into detention in single months such as October 2025, with 36,635 ICE arrests in Texas during that month alone noted on TRAC ^{[1] [2]}.

2. Why state totals vary so much: policy, cooperation and federal field office patterns

Scholars and advocacy groups show that state and local cooperation with ICE — including laws deputizing local officers to serve ICE or restricting access — drives big differences in arrest totals: states that require cooperation like Texas, Florida and Georgia tend to produce far more arrests than states that limit local collaboration such as New York or Illinois ^[3]. Institutional arrangements (where ICE has larger regional field office capacity) and state directives therefore create wide variation in arrests that can produce very large totals in some states over a year ^[3].

3. Who was arrested: the tug-of-war between “worst of the worst” and many with no convictions

The Department of Homeland Security’s public messaging emphasized arrests of murderers, rapists and pedophiles — a steady stream of press releases highlighting violent offenders ^{[4] [5] [8] [6]} — while independent reporting from outlets such as the Texas Tribune and Stateline shows that a growing share of people ICE is arresting have no criminal convictions and that many arrests are for immigration violations rather than new violent crimes ^{[9] [1]}. These two narratives reflect competing agendas: DHS foregrounds violent suspects to justify enforcement; researchers and local reporters highlight that broad immigration arrests sweep up people without criminal records ^{[5] [9] [1]}.

4. Violence: documented incidents and agency conduct contradict “practically no violence”

The claim that enforcement produced “practically no violence” does not hold up against the record in the supplied sources: DHS cites arrests of people convicted of violent felonies ^{[4] [6]}, TRAC and local reporting show large-scale arrests that sometimes occurred in high‑pressure operations ^[2], and at least one fatal shooting involving an ICE agent is mentioned in contemporaneous reporting ^[7]. Independent outlets also document arrests that included nonviolent people and controversy over tactics, so the reality is mixed — some operations apprehended violent offenders, others apprehended people with no convictions, and at least some enforcement encounters involved serious violence or lethal force ^{[4] [7] [9] [1]}.

5. Bottom line: the numeric claim is plausible but unverified here; the violence claim is false

Based on the material provided, the specific state totals cannot be confirmed verbatim from an authoritative dataset in these sources, though the scale is consistent with reported surges in Texas, Florida and California ^{[1] [2]}; by contrast, the blanket statement that there was “practically no violence” is contradicted by multiple DHS releases highlighting violent suspects and by reporting of at least one deadly enforcement incident, so that aspect of the claim is false given the available reporting ^{[4] [5] [6] [7]}. The clearest takeaway in the sources is a contested, politicized enforcement surge: large numbers of arrests concentrated in cooperating states, a mix of violent and nonviolent arrestees, and competing narratives from DHS and independent reporters about what those numbers mean ^{[3] [9] [1]}.