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What percentage of ICE arrests are for violent crimes?

Checked on November 18, 2025
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Executive summary

Available reporting shows a wide range of ways to count “ICE arrests.” Multiple data analyses find that a majority of people booked into ICE custody in 2025 had no violent convictions — one analysis says more than 93% had no violent convictions (Cato), another finds 6.9% of those with convictions had violent offenses (CBC citing Cato) — while agency and DHS statements emphasize that roughly 70% of ICE arrests involve people with criminal charges or convictions (ICE/DHS/Fox) [1] [2] [3] [4]. Discrepancies reflect different time frames, definitions (book-ins vs. detained population vs. convictions), and how immigration or traffic offenses are categorized [5] [6].

1. Definitions matter: what counts as an “ICE arrest”?

ICE produces multiple datasets and categories — Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) administrative arrests, “book-ins” to custody, detained populations, and press accounts of “criminal illegal aliens” — and journalists and researchers use different denominators. ICE’s own materials break arrests into people with convictions, pending charges, and those with only immigration or traffic violations [5]. Analysts warn that comparing figures without matching definitions (for example, counting every booking since Oct. 1 versus the snapshot of who is detained) produces different percentages [6].

2. Two competing headline figures: ~70% vs. large majorities with no violent convictions

DHS and ICE public statements have emphasized that about 70% of ICE arrests are of people “charged or convicted of a crime,” a message relayed by outlets like Fox and quoted in DHS releases [3] [7]. By contrast, independent analyses of ICE “book-ins” for FY2025 show that 65% had no criminal convictions and more than 93% of book-ins were never convicted of a violent offense — i.e., violent convictions make up only a small share of bookings [1] [2]. Both sets of numbers can be true simultaneously depending on which subset and time window is measured [5] [6].

3. The nuance on “violent crimes” specifically

When reporters isolate violent convictions, the available analyses point to a small share of ICE bookings. The Cato analysis reported “more than 93%” of ICE book-ins had no violent convictions, and CBC cited the same Cato data showing 6.9% of those with convictions had committed a violent crime; Stateline’s breakdown similarly found the share of people convicted of violent crime fell from 10% to 7% in a specific comparison period [1] [2] [8]. These are not contradictory if you note that many ICE encounters involve people without convictions at all or with nonviolent convictions [1] [8].

4. Why numbers shifted in 2025: policy and enforcement changes

Multiple reports attribute shifts in ICE arrest composition to policy changes under the Trump administration’s second term — officials and former ICE leaders say priorities and tactics changed, expanding arrests beyond the traditional “worst first” targeting to broader sweeps that catch people without serious criminal records [9] [10]. Journalistic investigations and court actions (e.g., Illinois lawsuits) document large operations that swept a range of people into custody and prompted judges to demand lists and threat levels for thousands of arrestees [11] [10].

5. Agency messaging and political context

DHS and ICE public statements highlight operations targeting violent offenders and present 70% as a key statistic to defend enforcement; those statements coincide with press releases touting removal of “the worst of the worst” [7] [12]. Independent analysts and civil‑liberties-minded outlets emphasize FOIA-derived booking data showing most bookings lack violent convictions [1] [6]. Each side has an implicit agenda: DHS and ICE aim to justify aggressive enforcement, while advocacy groups and some researchers stress civil‑liberties harms and the inclusion of nonviolent migrants in sweeps [3] [1] [10].

6. What the data gaps and limits are

Available sources note gaps: ICE has multiple data products and some previously public detail has been reduced or altered, complicating apples‑to‑apples comparisons [5] [6]. Journalists and courts have had to rely on FOIA-driven datasets like the Deportation Data Project; DHS and ICE provide different snapshots (press statements, news releases, statistics pages) that emphasize varying metrics [6] [5]. The sources you provided do not include a single authoritative table reconciling every category across the same time frame; therefore precise, universally applicable percentages for “violent-crime arrests” depend on your chosen dataset and definition [6] [5].

7. Bottom line for readers

If you ask “what percentage of ICE arrests are for violent crimes?” the best-supported conclusion from available reporting is: violent convictions make up a small minority of ICE book-ins or arrests in 2025 — independent analyses put violent-conviction shares in the single digits (about 6–10% depending on period) and report that over 90% of book-ins had no violent convictions — even as government statements emphasize that roughly 70% of arrests involve people with either convictions or pending charges when broader classifications are used [1] [2] [3] [8]. Choose your source and definition carefully: the headline percent swings substantially with methodological choices [6] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
What proportion of ICE arrests involve violent offenses versus immigration violations?
How does ICE classify arrests as 'violent' and what offenses are included?
Have the percentages of ICE arrests for violent crimes changed from 2015 to 2025?
How do ICE arrest outcomes (charges, prosecutions, detentions) differ for violent versus nonviolent suspects?
Do geographic regions or operation types (e.g., workplace raids, border enforcement) affect the share of violent-crime arrests by ICE?