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What are the rates of police killings for Hispanic and Asian communities compared to black communities?

Checked on November 13, 2025
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Executive Summary

Black Americans experience markedly higher rates of fatal police shootings than other groups: aggregated data across 2015–2024 shows 6.1 deaths per million annually for Black people, compared with 2.7 for Hispanic and roughly 1 per million for “other” (which may include Asians), and 2.4 for white people, with 2024 counts showing 248 Black, 177 Hispanic, and 39 Asian people shot dead by police [1] [2]. Multiple studies confirm disparities exist, but they diverge on causes and on whether contextual factors (segregation, local demographics, encounter circumstances) fully explain the gaps [3] [4] [5].

1. Extracting the headline claims that drive this debate

Public-facing tallies and academic summaries repeatedly claim Black Americans are killed by police at substantially higher rates than other groups, often phrased as “more than twice” the white rate; statistical compilations show a Black rate of 6.1 per million per year (2015–2024) versus 2.7 for Hispanic and ~1 for other/Asian in the same interval [1] [2]. The 2024 raw counts—248 Black, 177 Hispanic, 39 Asian—underscore those disparities but also highlight that Hispanic victims form a sizable share of fatal encounters and that Asians, while lower in count, are present in the toll [1]. These are the empirical claims that anchor policy and advocacy discussions [2].

2. What the primary compilations and databases actually report

Large compilations and press datasets converge on the pattern of racial disparity but differ in framing and category detail. One compilation gives the 6.1 Black; 2.7 Hispanic; 2.4 white; 1 other per million rates for 2015–2024 and lists 2024 counts consistent with those ratios [2] [1]. Another reporting effort emphasizes the overrepresentation of Black people relative to population share—Black people are roughly 14 percent of the population yet account for a disproportionate fraction of police killings—without always producing complete disaggregation for Asians and some other groups [6]. The databases agree on the broad disparity, but they reveal differences in how race/ethnicity categories are defined and reported, which matters for comparisons [1] [6].

3. Academic work adds nuance: place, segregation, and race-specific patterns

Peer-reviewed studies and scholarly analyses show that context matters: spatial patterns of segregation and local racial composition affect where and how police shootings occur. Some studies find higher likelihoods of shootings with Black and Asian victims in more racially diverse areas, while Hispanic communities sometimes show a defensive or “protective” association tied to Hispanic segregation measures—meaning higher Hispanic concentration correlates with fewer police shootings of Hispanic victims in some analyses (published 2022) [3] [4]. Other academic summaries emphasize the extreme mortality concentration for Black men—reported as roughly 1 in 1,000 lifetime risk in one synthesis—while acknowledging limitations in cross-study comparability and the absence of consistent Asian-specific rates across datasets [7].

4. Nonfatal force studies and methodological disagreements complicate conclusions

Research on nonfatal uses of force and on contextualized encounter-level analyses paints a mixed picture: some studies find higher rates of non-lethal force for Black and Hispanic people, and notable racial differences in injury distributions, with Black victims overrepresented among nonfatal shootings [8]. Yet other empirical analyses report no clear racial differences in officer-involved shootings once contextual factors are controlled for, arguing that apparent disparities may narrow under controlled statistical models [5]. These divergent findings reveal methodological fault lines—whether to compare raw rates, control for local crime and encounter conditions, or model residential segregation—each choice materially shifts the interpretation [5] [8].

5. Where the data agree, and where significant gaps remain

All sources agree on one point: disparities in police killings exist, and Black Americans bear a notably higher burden in raw-rate terms [1] [2] [6]. Disagreement centers on magnitude sources, adjustment sets, and how to treat Hispanic and Asian categories: some datasets aggregate Asians into “other,” leaving Asian-specific rates underreported or obscured in several analyses [2] [1]. Scholarly work shows place-based dynamics that sometimes protect Hispanic populations and sometimes increase risk for Black or Asian victims, signaling that policy prescriptions must account for local conditions and data shortcomings [3] [4].

6. Bottom line for policymakers, reporters, and the public

Quantitative consensus shows Black Americans face substantially higher rates of fatal police shootings (6.1 per million annually, 2015–2024) compared with Hispanic and Asian communities, though Hispanic fatality counts remain high and Asian-specific rates are often undercounted or folded into “other” categories [1] [2]. Academic research underscores that segregation, local demographics, and analytical choices change inferences, meaning solutions should be informed by high-quality, disaggregated, encounter-level data and by attention to local variation rather than national averages alone [3] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
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How have police killing rates for Black communities trended since 2015?
What role does socioeconomic status play in police violence against Hispanic communities?
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How do non-lethal police interactions vary by race in the US?