Fact check: Who uses snare black people more or white?

1. Why the raw question matters: who is stopped more — Black or White?

The central claim asked who police stop more: Black people or White people. Across U.S. stop-and-frisk datasets and civilsociety analyses, Black people are stopped far more often than White people, even when Black residents are a smaller share of the total population. For example, New York Police Department data for 2024 show 60% of stops involved Black people while only 6% involved White people, illustrating a stark numeric gap in stop encounters ^[1]. A D.C. analysis by the ACLU found Black people made up 70% of stops while comprising 44% of the population, demonstrating that disproportionality persists in multiple jurisdictions ^[4]. Those figures frame the question beyond anecdote and indicate systemic patterns.

2. What independent studies add: cross-jurisdictional confirmation

Independent academic and international reports reinforce the U.S. datasets by showing similar patterns. A 2024 study in the European Journal of Policing Studies concluded Black and Hispanic people were stopped and searched more frequently than White people, with a higher likelihood of arrest after stops, which aligns with U.S. patterns of disparity ^[2]. A 2025 UN report broadened the lens, documenting that people of African descent face higher rates of arrest, stop-and-search, incarceration, and harsher sentencing across multiple national systems—suggesting the issue is not isolated to a single city or police force ^[3]. These independent analyses strengthen the case that disproportionate stops are widespread.

3. When crises happen, disparities can widen: pandemic-era data

Analyses of policing during the coronavirus shutdowns show disparities can deepen under stress. The Marshall Project found that in five U.S. cities racial disparities in arrests increased during pandemic conditions, with fewer White people arrested relative to Black people, implying that social disruptions can exacerbate preexisting policing biases ^[5]. This pattern suggests that disparities are not static and may be amplified by changing enforcement priorities or resource constraints, reinforcing the need to track stop rates continuously rather than relying on single-year snapshots.

4. Local legal and community responses: Montreal as a recent example

Beyond U.S. datasets, municipal-level examinations produced legal consequences and community outcry. Studies of Montreal police practices found Indigenous, Black, and Arab people were 2.6 to 6 times more likely to be stopped without reason than White people, with young Black and Arab men especially affected, and led to court orders for compensation for victims of profiling in some cases ^{[6] [7]}. These outcomes show that empirical findings of disproportionate stops can lead to legal remedies and public accountability efforts, and they illustrate a cross-national pattern of similar racialized impacts.

5. Limitations in datasets and the need for nuance

While multiple sources align on the core finding of disproportionate stops affecting Black people, differences in data collection, definitions, and local demographics complicate direct comparisons. Stop-and-frisk reporting rates, the scope of what counts as a “stop,” and whether data capture consent searches or pedestrian stops vary by jurisdiction, and some datasets lack consistent race categorization or population denominators. The ACLU and academic studies present strong signals of bias ^{[4] [2]}, but fully comparable national prevalence estimates require standardized, transparent data collection across agencies.

6. Competing narratives and possible agendas in reporting

The sources supplied range from civil-rights organizations to academic journals and international bodies; each has an institutional mission that shapes emphasis. Civil-society reports focus on systemic bias and policy reform ^[4], academic work emphasizes methodological controls and comparative analysis ^[2], and international reports highlight human-rights implications ^[3]. Readers should note these different agendas when interpreting conclusions, though the convergence of findings across these diverse actors strengthens confidence that disparities are real.

7. What the evidence collectively implies about policy and oversight

Taken together, the analyses imply that policy interventions, improved data transparency, and independent oversight are needed to address persistent racial disparities in stops. Jurisdictions that produced transparent stop data ^[1] or that faced legal rulings ^[7] demonstrate pathways for accountability. The international and pandemic-era studies ^{[3] [5]} suggest reforms should include standardized reporting, regular audits, and community-engaged oversight mechanisms to prevent widening disparities during crises.

8. Bottom line for the original question: clear, evidence-backed answer

The preponderance of evidence provided indicates that Black people are stopped by police far more often than White people in multiple jurisdictions and contexts, from city-level stop-and-frisk programs to cross-national policing practices ^{[1] [4] [2] [3]}. While methodological differences and local factors matter, the consistent pattern across civil-rights, academic, and international reports supports the conclusion that racial disparities in policing stops overwhelmingly disadvantage Black communities.