Tort reform

Checked on December 20, 2025
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Executive summary

Georgia’s 2025 tort reform package—Senate Bills 68 and 69—represents the most significant overhaul of state civil liability law in nearly two decades, aiming to curb “nuclear verdicts,” require transparency in litigation financing, and shift evidentiary and damage rules to favor defendants and insurers [1] [2]. Advocates say it will lower insurance costs and stabilize the market; critics warn it will limit victims’ recoveries and tilt courts toward businesses and insurers [3] [2].

1. What passed, and how sweeping is it?

The Georgia package enacted April 21, 2025, consists of SB 68 and SB 69 and changes negligent security law, damages, evidentiary rules, civil practice, and third‑party litigation financing; many provisions apply immediately to pending cases while some take effect later—litigation financing registration, for example, is slated to begin January 1, 2026 [1] [2]. Supporters frame the bills as comprehensive, the first major reform since 2005, and credit data collection and stakeholder roundtables as part of the legislative rationale [1].

2. The arguments for reform: insurers, businesses, and cost relief

Proponents from the governor’s office, the U.S. Chamber, and tort‑reform groups argue the statutes address social inflation and “hidden” lawsuit costs that have raised premiums and driven “judicial hellhole” designations; they claim reforms will stabilize rates, protect small businesses, and reduce frivolous or outsized verdicts that produce a so‑called “tort tax” on residents [3] [4] [5]. Industry analyses and actuarial commentary point to prior reforms—most notably Florida’s HB 837—and to insurer estimates that comparative‑negligence changes and other limits can materially reduce litigated claims, loss severity, and allocated loss expenses [6] [7].

3. The counterarguments: access to justice and plaintiff risk

Defense‑leaning benefits are explicit: multiple legal observers expect the law to advantage defendants and limit plaintiffs’ recoveries in personal injury and wrongful death cases [2]. Opponents—trial lawyers, consumer advocates, and some legal scholars cited in coverage—warn that caps, evidentiary adjustments, and procedural hurdles make it harder for injured people to obtain full compensation and can shift risk to victims rather than wrongdoers; those concerns have driven vetoes and litigation in other states [7] [8].

4. How this fits a national trend and whose agendas are visible

Georgia joins a wave of state activity—Florida, Louisiana, Texas discussions, and proposals elsewhere—seeking to blunt “nuclear verdicts,” tighten class and mass‑tort procedures, and regulate litigation financing, with commercial insurers, business lobbies, and organizations like the American Tort Reform Association loudly backing change [7] [9] [5]. Conversely, plaintiffs’ bar opposition and court pushback in some jurisdictions show that the fight is not only policy but institutional: chambers, insurers, and business groups clearly stand to gain premium relief and market certainty, an implicit agenda visible in industry commentaries and advocacy [4] [10].

5. What to watch next and the limits of current reporting

Immediate questions include whether the promised premium relief materializes—analysts note Florida’s reforms produced measurable insurer filings and modeled reductions, but Georgia’s real‑world effects will depend on insurer rate filings, court interpretation, and how the new discovery and evidence rules play out [6] [7]. Coverage documents legislative intent, sponsors, and projected benefits, but current sources do not yet provide post‑enactment empirical outcomes in Georgia—future reporting should track insurer rate filings, settlement patterns, and appellate challenges to test whether the law reduces “social inflation” without unduly restricting victims’ remedies [6] [2].

Want to dive deeper?
How did Florida’s HB 837 affect insurance rates and litigated claim frequency after enactment?
What have courts in other states ruled when challenged tort‑reform provisions limiting damages or changing evidence rules?
How does regulation and registration of litigation financing work, and what are its projected effects on plaintiffs and third‑party funders?