Which UK laws most commonly led to arrests for social media posts in 2024?

Checked on December 11, 2025
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Executive summary

Most arrests for social-media posts in the UK in 2023–24 were carried out under a small group of legacy communications and public‑order statutes: Section 127 of the Communications Act 2003 and the Malicious Communications Act 1988 are repeatedly cited in FOI releases and press analysis as the primary legal tools used to arrest people for online messages (examples: arrests under Section 127 and the Malicious Communications Act are cited by media and police FOI data) [1] [2] [3]. Police freedom‑of‑information disclosures show tens of thousands of arrests logged against offence codes tied to harassment, racially or religiously aggravated harassment, and malicious communications — boundaries that are often porous between offline and online cases (West Yorkshire FOI: 24,703 arrests across harassment/malicious communications offence codes) [3].

1. The headline laws police point to: Section 127 and the Malicious Communications Act

Reporting and official statements repeatedly identify Section 127 of the Communications Act 2003 — which criminalises sending “grossly offensive, obscene, indecent, or menacing” messages on electronic networks — and the Malicious Communications Act 1988 as the primary bases for arrests over social‑media posts; Reuters fact‑checking and multiple press pieces explicitly note Section 127 in cited arrests [1] [2]. Media organisations and civil‑liberties groups also attribute thousands of custody entries to these communications/public‑order statutes [4] [2].

2. FOI data shows large totals but grouped offence codes cloud the picture

Police FOI replies make clear that forces often return counts under broad crime codes — for example West Yorkshire reported 24,703 arrests relating to offence codes for harassment (8L), racially/religiously aggravated harassment (8M) and malicious communications (8R), with only a subset clearly tagged as social‑media cases by keyword (1,533 with explicit platform keywords); the remainder would require manual review to confirm social‑media involvement [3]. Local FOIs from Cumbria and North Yorkshire likewise stress that isolating “social‑media‑only” arrests needs manual checking of custody notes [5] [6].

3. Scale, interpretation and competing narratives

National reporting citing custody‑data suggests “over 30 arrests a day” (roughly 12,000 a year) for offensive online communications; advocacy groups frame this as over‑policing of speech, while police and prosecutors point to the need to tackle threats, harassment and hate‑fuelled content [4] [2]. Independent fact‑checks and FOIs temper the most dramatic interpretations by showing variation across forces and by noting that many arrests do not lead to prosecution — for instance, London data showed hundreds arrested under Section 127 in a two‑year window but many fewer charged [7] [4].

4. Which specific criminal labels appear most often in the raw data

Available police disclosures group most social‑media‑linked arrests under harassment, racially or religiously aggravated harassment, and malicious communications offence codes (West Yorkshire FOI) [3]. Press reporting and FOI responses also name Section 127 as a frequent legal basis in individual arrest reports [1] [2]. Sources do not provide a single definitive ranked list of statutes by national arrest count that isolates only social‑media posts from other communications — that breakdown is not found in current reporting.

5. How enforcement choices shape outcomes: discretionary policing and local variance

Multiple sources highlight wide variance between police forces in arrest rates and practices: some forces show steeply higher per‑capita arrest rates than others (Daily Mail and FOI comparisons) and West Yorkshire flagged tens of thousands of records that would need manual review to confirm social‑media relevance [8] [3]. Civil‑liberties groups argue that “vague” legal terms such as “grossly offensive” allow uneven enforcement; police argue they must respond to online threats and harassment [4] [8].

6. What the sources do not settle (and why it matters)

Available sources do not provide a clean, nationally harmonised count that ties each arrest in 2024 exclusively to a named statute for social‑media posts; FOIs repeatedly say distinguishing social‑media cases requires manual review of custody notes [3] [6]. That gap matters because headline figures (e.g., “30 arrests a day”) combine different offences and may include communications by phone, email or offline conduct alleged in the same reports [4] [3].

7. Takeaway for readers and policymakers

The evidence in FOIs and press coverage points to Section 127 and the Malicious Communications Act — alongside harassment and aggravated harassment codes — as the legal tools most commonly invoked in arrests linked to online posts, but national totals are aggregated under broad offence categories and enforcement varies widely by force [1] [3]. Reform advocates call for clearer statutory language or prosecutorial guidance; police and prosecutors cite duty to investigate threats and hate‑fuelled communications [4] [2]. Policymakers seeking to assess the balance between free expression and protection from harm need a force‑by‑force, case‑level audit — something FOI replies show is not currently compiled in a standardised national dataset [3].

Want to dive deeper?
Which specific UK statutes were most frequently used to charge people over online posts in 2024?
How many arrests for social media speech occurred in the UK in 2024 and which police forces led them?
Were arrests for online posts in 2024 concentrated around particular subjects like abuse, terrorism, or disinformation?
What guidance or legal reforms were proposed in 2024 to limit arrests for social media content in the UK?
How did courts in 2024 interpret crimes like harassment, malicious communications and public order when applied to social media?