Keep Factually independent
Whether you agree or disagree with our analysis, these conversations matter for democracy. We don't take money from political groups - even a $5 donation helps us keep it that way.
Fact check: How do crime rates of undocumented immigrants compare to those of legal immigrants in the US?
Executive Summary
The evidence assembled across multiple independent analyses shows a consistent finding: undocumented immigrants are not more criminal than other groups and often have lower crime rates than U.S.-born citizens and sometimes lower than legal immigrants, with several studies and explainers reporting lower offending and incarceration rates [1] [2] [3] [4]. Research across time and jurisdictions also indicates that increasing immigration has not driven higher crime and in many analyses correlates with stable or falling crime rates, though methodological differences and shifting enforcement priorities complicate direct comparisons [5] [6] [7].
1. What advocates and studies are actually claiming — a quick harvest of assertions that matter
Multiple sources assert that immigrants, including undocumented people, commit fewer crimes than U.S.-born residents, and some specifically find undocumented residents less likely to offend than legal immigrants or the native-born [2] [4]. State-level analyses, such as work using Texas Department of Public Safety data, report substantially lower felony rates among undocumented immigrants compared with native-born and legal immigrant populations [1]. Policy explainers synthesize research to conclude no clear link between immigration and increased violent crime, often noting lower incarceration rates among immigrant groups [3].
2. Agreement across studies — why multiple sources converge on lower crime rates
Researchers and explainers converge on several reasons why immigrant populations, and particularly undocumented immigrants, appear less likely to commit crime: selection effects of migration, strong family and community ties, and fear of deportation that discourages criminal activity. Several analyses explicitly point to first-generation immigrant advantages and the “immigration effect” where communities with more immigrants see less crime [2] [5]. Think tanks, academic centers, and migration policy experts repeatedly report similar patterns, reinforcing the core empirical claim from different methodological perspectives [3] [2].
3. Where studies diverge — measurement, geography, and time matter
Differences emerge in how populations are defined, the crimes measured, and the data sources—for example, Texas DPS administrative records versus national incarceration statistics or neighborhood-level studies. Some work focuses on felony convictions, others on arrests or incarceration; undocumented populations are inherently hard to enumerate, producing divergent rate calculations. Analyses published or cited between 2024 and 2025 note these measurement gaps and emphasize that enforcement priorities and data collection changes can shift recorded crime patterns even if actual offending does not [1] [6] [7].
4. The larger context — enforcement shifts and their effect on crime statistics
Recent reporting on law-enforcement priorities highlights that federal shifts toward immigration enforcement can reduce resources for investigating other crimes, altering recorded arrest patterns and criminal-justice processing [6] [7]. These shifts can make it harder to interpret trends: a drop in certain investigations may reflect reallocation of agents rather than changes in underlying criminal behavior. Several sources caution that policy-driven changes in enforcement and reporting may bias visible crime measures, complicating direct comparisons between undocumented and legal immigrant crime rates [6] [7].
5. Limitations the analyses emphasize and what they don’t claim
All sources note limitations: undocumented status is difficult to measure, selection factors affect who migrates, and correlation is not causation. Analyses do not claim immigrants are uniformly law-abiding in every context or that immigrant communities are immune to crime; rather, the balance of evidence shows lower measured offending and incarceration rates for immigrants as groups. Several explainers underscore that local variation exists and that inclusive social policies can influence crime outcomes, meaning general findings should not be applied without local assessment [3].
6. How these findings are used in policy and political debate — competing agendas
Pro-enforcement actors often emphasize public safety concerns to advocate for stricter immigration controls, while migration researchers and some policy groups highlight the empirical finding of lower immigrant crime rates to argue against punitive policies [6] [4]. Both perspectives can cherry-pick data: enforcement advocates may stress specific criminal incidents or enforcement statistics, while advocates for immigration may stress aggregated studies showing lower rates. The sources advise evaluating study design, outcome measures, and policy context to assess which claims best match the evidence [2] [4].
7. Bottom line and suggested next steps for readers and policymakers
The preponderance of available analyses indicates that undocumented immigrants do not have higher crime rates than U.S.-born residents and often show lower rates than legal immigrants, with consistent findings across academic, policy, and journalistic sources through 2025 [2] [3] [4]. Policymakers should therefore ground debates in measured comparisons that account for data limitations, enforcement shifts, and local context. For readers seeking depth, reviewing methodological appendices of the cited studies and monitoring updates on enforcement impacts will clarify how measurement changes may affect future comparisons [1] [7].