Were there 8000 other cases of criminal felonies like trump committed in New York over the last decade or so?

1. What “the same crimes” means in the reporting

The New York case against Trump involved 34 counts of falsifying business records tied to hush‑money payments, a charge treated as a felony in New York when it is alleged that the falsification was intended to aid or conceal another crime, and that legal definition is central to any comparison ^{[1] [4] [3]}.

2. What the empirical reporting actually says about frequency

An analysis cited in The Independent relaying New York Times reporting found that 42 percent of people convicted of falsifying business records in New York over the last decade received time in jail or prison, and in Manhattan the incarceration rate was closer to one‑third, but that reporting gives percentages about sentencing outcomes rather than a raw count of convictions and does not assert 8,000 comparable felony cases ^[2].

3. Limits of the datasets cited in coverage

The sources supplied offer sentencing statistics and broader felony conviction context—Vera Institute reporting notes roughly 19,000 people convicted of a felony in New York State in 2022, illustrating scale of felony convictions overall—but none of the documents in the packet provide a decade‑long headcount specifically of first‑degree falsifying‑business‑records felony convictions that would allow confirmation of an 8,000‑case claim ^[5].

4. How sentencing and outcome differences shape “comparability”

Reporting highlights divergent outcomes: analyses stress that many people convicted in New York receive prison while Trump’s ultimate sentence drew controversy for its leniency (reports note no jail time, fines or probation in the outcome referenced in PBS, and commentary noting an unconditional discharge) — these differences matter when judging whether a case is “like” Trump’s beyond the statutory label of the charge ^{[3] [6]}.

5. Why an “8,000 cases” headline is plausible but unproven with these sources

An assertion of thousands of similar cases could stem from aggregating misdemeanor and felony records, or conflating all business‑records charges with those elevated to first‑degree felonies only when tied to an intent to conceal another crime; the supplied sources, however, do not provide a numerical breakdown across the last decade to substantiate an 8,000 figure, so the claim remains unverified by these reports ^{[2] [3]}.

6. Alternative interpretations and implicit agendas in coverage

Different outlets frame the same facts through distinct lenses: news analyses focus on sentencing patterns and historic significance (first president convicted), advocacy pieces emphasize systemic disparities between ordinary defendants and high‑profile figures, and partisan or editorial pieces stress either accountability or perceived victimhood — readers should note those editorial intents when assessing sweeping numerical claims that are not footnoted to primary court‑level data in the reporting set ^{[2] [5] [7]}.

7. Bottom line on the 8,000‑case claim

Based on the supplied reporting, there is no documented figure of “8,000 other cases” of the same felony charge as Trump in New York over the past decade; the sources establish the nature of the charge, sentencing percentages for falsifying‑business‑records convictions, and broader felony conviction volumes in single years, but do not produce the decade‑long count needed to confirm or refute the 8,000 number ^{[1] [2] [5] [3]}.