Why are the criminal targets of ice not in jail in Minneapolis?

Checked on January 17, 2026
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Executive summary

Minneapolis’s current reality — where some people federal authorities call “criminal targets” are not sitting in local jails for ICE to pick up — is the product of clashing legal authorities, judicial limits on federal tactics, local policy and political resistance, and operational choices by ICE that favor street enforcement over jail transfers [1] [2] [3] [4]. Multiple news outlets, city and state filings, and court orders document a fraught tug-of-war that explains why ICE cannot simply detain whomever it designates and place them in local custody [5] [2] [1].

1. Legal and procedural limits: administrative warrants, not criminal arrest warrants

ICE largely operates on administrative immigration authorities rather than traditional criminal arrest warrants, meaning many of its detention powers do not automatically translate into local jail holds or immediate handoffs; legal experts explain that administrative warrants permit detention without the same judicial process as criminal arrests and create fuzzy ground for custody coordination [3]. That legal distinction matters because local jails generally process criminal bookings and respond to judicially issued holds differently than they do to federal administrative detainers, a difference at the heart of disputes over whether local facilities must “honor” ICE’s requests [3] [6].

2. Court orders and lawsuits have limited federal street tactics and arrests

A federal judge in Minneapolis issued a significant ruling curbing federal agents’ ability to detain peaceful protesters and to arrest people without probable cause or reasonable suspicion — an order born of lawsuits and complaints about aggressive operations — and that judicial boundary constrains how ICE can act in public spaces and around demonstrations [5] [2]. The city and state have likewise sued, alleging unconstitutional and arbitrary federal action, and those filings frame the legal pressure that has made routine jail transfers and warrantless roundups more legally perilous for federal actors [1].

3. Local political resistance and “sanctuary” framing alter cooperation

Minnesota municipal leaders and state officials have publicly resisted the federal surge, framing the operation as an intrusion and declining forms of operational cooperation; officials argue that honoring federal detainers for people already in local custody would be a straightforward fix, while federal officials blame “sanctuary” politicians for creating the need to surge [6] [4] [1]. That political conflict translates into less seamless information-sharing and fewer pre-arranged custody transfers, slowing or preventing ICE from taking individuals directly from local jails.

4. ICE’s operational choices: community arrests, surges, and risks

Rather than relying solely on jail pickups, the Trump administration’s Operation Metro Surge increased community arrests and street-level enforcement across the Twin Cities — a shift that drew scrutiny because it increases confrontations, alleged racial profiling, and civilian encounters that courts and civil-rights groups challenge [4] [7] [8]. Media reporting and civil-society complaints document hundreds of arrests since the operation began, but many of the detentions occur outside the normal jail intake pipeline, complicating the picture of why targets are not simply in local jails awaiting transfer [4] [8].

5. Civil-rights litigation, public backlash and operational consequences

The ACLU and state attorneys general have filed suits alleging suspicionless stops, racial profiling, excessive force and other constitutional violations; such litigation both documents systemic problems and produces immediate operational constraints, including injunctions on certain crowd-control and detention tactics [9] [2] [1]. Public protests, viral videos and claims of wrongful detentions have heightened scrutiny and led judges to impose limits that can deter federal reliance on informal detainers or warrantless arrests that previously might have funneled people into jail-based custody [10] [9].

6. Bottom line: a constellation of legal, political and operational barriers

The reason many of ICE’s named “criminal targets” are not sitting in Minneapolis jails is not a single administrative error but a constellation: administrative-removal authorities that don’t equate to criminal holds [3]; court orders and lawsuits restricting federal tactics and protecting protesters and bystanders [5] [2]; strained federal-local cooperation framed by political conflict over sanctuary policies [6] [1]; and ICE’s own operational choice to pursue community arrests amid a high-profile surge that has both increased arrests overall and produced contested, visible encounters outside the jail system [4] [8]. Reporting documents each of these elements, and while some officials call for honoring federal requests to place detainees in local jails, judges, civil-rights lawyers and local leaders point to legal and constitutional limits — and to the practical reality that the current enforcement strategy often bypasses the traditional jail-transfer pathway [6] [2] [1].

Want to dive deeper?
What legal differences exist between ICE administrative warrants and criminal arrest warrants, and how do they affect local jail cooperation?
What has Judge Katherine Menendez’s injunction changed about ICE’s rules of engagement and detention in Minneapolis?
How many arrests from Operation Metro Surge resulted in transfers from local jails to ICE custody versus street-to-detention deportation actions?