What evidence is there that Egyptian airliner tracking or following charlie and erika kirk

1. What proponents are claiming — the core allegation

Candace Owens says two Egyptian military aircraft repeatedly showed up near places Erika Kirk was traveling, reporting “68” overlaps later updated to “73” occurrences between 2022 and September 2025, and naming the planes’ registrations (SU‑BTT/SU‑BND or variations of those) as evidence of long-term monitoring; Owens framed this as a possible motive or lead connected to Charlie Kirk’s killing ^{[1] [2] [6]}.

2. How the claim has been presented in media and social posts

Multiple outlets and aggregators reproduced Owens’ podcast and social‑media posts, quoting her counts (68–73 overlaps) and repeating the registrations and the allegation that the planes appeared at Provo around the shooting; coverage ranges from straightforward summaries to amplifying headlines that link the flight data to speculation about Egyptian intelligence involvement ^{[4] [7] [5]}.

3. What evidence the reporting actually cites

The sources cite Owens’ account of flight‑tracking data and screenshots that she and others shared online; several articles repeat the numeric overlaps and the aircraft tail numbers but do not publish raw flight‑tracking logs, timestamps, radar tracks, metadata, or independent analysis that would prove intentional “tracking” versus coincidental co‑location ^{[8] [7] [9]}.

4. Missing elements and limits in the available reporting

None of the provided stories include corroboration from: aviation authorities, Egyptian government or military, independent flight‑data analysts, registry checks tying those tail numbers to intelligence services, or forensic timeline analysis proving deliberate surveillance. The outlets chiefly report Owens’ claims and third‑party screenshots rather than primary, independently verifiable data ^{[5] [6]}.

5. Alternative explanations that the sources mention or imply

The articles note that observers and critics view the pattern as circumstantial and that counts alone do not demonstrate intent; one piece notes Owens corrected a time‑zone error earlier in the controversy, illustrating how flight‑data interpretation can be sensitive to simple mistakes ^{[7] [5]}. Sources also show the allegation spawned further unverified claims (e.g., about motives) that outlets flag as unsupported ^[5].

6. What proponents say about scope and motive

Owens and allies suggest the pattern was targeted at Erika rather than Charlie and imply a foreign intelligence motive tied to perceived political positions—claims amplified by social commenters and reproduced in headlines—but the sourced articles emphasize those links as conjecture rather than proven causation ^{[4] [1] [3]}.

7. How this matters for the official investigation and public discourse

Reporting shows the claims have increased public pressure and media attention, prompting calls for answers; however, the sources do not show any official agency (local law enforcement, FBI, or aviation regulators) confirming that the Egyptian aircraft conducted surveillance or were implicated in the killing—available sources do not mention any official confirmation ^{[5] [6]}.

8. Bottom line — what we can and cannot conclude from these sources

From the materials provided, journalists and outlets accurately report that Candace Owens claims repeated overlaps between two Egyptian‑registered aircraft and Erika Kirk’s travel (counts cited as 68–73 occurrences) and that these claims circulated broadly ^{[1] [2]}. Available reporting does not contain independent flight logs, expert verification, official confirmation, or proof linking those flights to a surveillance program or to Charlie Kirk’s death; those stronger claims remain unproven in the cited sources ^{[4] [5]}.

Limitations: my account depends strictly on the supplied reporting; independent datasets, official statements, or expert analyses are not present in these sources and thus are not asserted here.