How has control of the D.C. National Guard been handled during past crises like January 6, 2021?

1. The legal oddity: D.C. Guard sits inside a federal chain, not a governor’s

Because the District of Columbia is not a state, the D.C. National Guard does not answer to a governor the way other state guards do; presidential authority over the D.C. Guard was delegated to the Secretary of Defense and then to the Secretary of the Army, creating a federalized approval process for local uses of troops ^{[1] [4]}. That structure means mayors must request Guard assistance through Defense Department channels rather than directly commanding forces, a fact lawmakers and local officials have repeatedly highlighted ^{[4] [5]}.

2. How that chain worked on Jan. 6: requests, limits, and redeployments

In the lead‑up to and on January 6, Mayor Muriel Bowser requested Guard support mainly for traffic and crowd control; the Pentagon approved an initial activation of roughly 340 guardsmen with restrictions (unarmed, no riot gear), and the Army secretary was the designated D.C. commander in that period ^{[6] [7] [8]}. As the situation at the Capitol deteriorated, approvals to expand the mission and reposition forces moved through multiple DoD actors—creating time lags between Mayor requests and the eventual broader deployment of DCNG forces to the Capitol ^{[6] [9]}.

3. Why critics point to “delay” and what internal reviews found

Advocates for reform and some commentators call the January 6 response a “long delay” in deploying the DCNG, arguing that the federalized chain and extra approvals slowed a timely military response ^{[3] [4]}. Journalistic and policy reporting also documents conflicting accounts about whether requests were made and declined beforehand, and those discrepancies feed reform demands ^[10]. At the same time, the Defense Department’s inspector general and other internal reviews concluded senior defense officials acted within their judgement and authorities, a counterpoint to claims that the delay was solely due to malfeasance—available sources do not mention the full details of those reviews beyond noting DoD defended its actions ^[2].

4. Pentagon fixes and remaining tensions after Jan. 6

After the riot, the Pentagon altered procedures to ease urgent approvals for using the D.C. Guard in emergencies while still preserving the Army secretary’s role for non‑urgent or non‑law‑enforcement missions ^[2]. The change sought to reduce bureaucratic friction in true emergencies; nonetheless, officials, lawmakers, and civic leaders continued to argue about whether such fixes went far enough or whether legislative change was required to put the Guard under mayoral control ^{[2] [3]}.

5. Political and policy stakes: who benefits from which change

Proposals to transfer command to the D.C. mayor are framed as both practical (faster local response to emergencies) and protective (preventing potential political misuse by a president during domestic disputes) by advocates such as the Brennan Center and Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton ^{[3] [5]}. Pentagon and some federal officials have countervailing concerns: that local control could complicate national security posture in the capital or shift routine law‑enforcement burdens onto military resources ^[4]. These conflicting incentives—local responsiveness versus federal oversight of the capital—drive continuing legislative and administrative debates ^{[3] [4]}.

6. What the record shows and what remains uncertain

Reporting and timelines released after Jan. 6 document initial approvals for limited traffic/crowd roles, later redeployments to the Capitol, and an episodic, multi‑actor approval process that contributed to public perceptions of delay ^{[6] [9]}. However, available sources do not provide a single, uncontested chronology that resolves all disputes about who said what when; different reviews, timelines, and political accounts emphasize different causes ^{[11] [9] [10]}. Congress and the Pentagon have since made procedural adjustments, but the fundamental question—whether statutory command should shift to the mayor—remains politically contested ^{[3] [2]}.

If you want, I can produce a consolidated minute‑by‑minute timeline assembled from the Pentagon, House, and media timelines cited above so you can compare specific timestamps and which office authorized each step ^{[6] [9] [11]}.