Which independent organizations have published munition-by-munition analyses of strikes in Gaza and what data do they cite?

Checked on January 12, 2026
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Executive summary

Several independent organizations — notably Amnesty International, Airwars, investigative outlets using the Open Source Munitions Portal (OSMP) (including Danwatch and the i-paper), and ensemble reports drawing on an independent task force and aggregated forensic sources — have published munition-by-munition analyses or case-level munition identifications in Gaza, and they rely on a mix of on-the-ground fragment forensics, photographic libraries of spent munitions, open-source imagery and social media, incident casualty lists, and secondary expert confirmation from defense industry trackers like Janes [1] [2] [3] [4].

1. Who has produced munition-by-munition work

Amnesty International conducted targeted forensic investigations that identified distinctive fragments of US-made JDAMs in the rubble of specific strikes and attributed civilian deaths to those munitions [1]; Airwars has produced incident-level civilian-harm reports that can be cross-referenced to munition evidence in open-source imagery and survivor testimony [2]; OSMP — an open-source munition image/fragment library used by independent reporters — underpinned munition identifications in investigations by Danwatch and the i-paper, among others [2]; and broader independent task-force reporting compiled aggregate intelligence on the types and volumes of munitions used, citing U.S. intelligence and other sources [4] [5].

2. The concrete data these organizations cite

Forensic, munition-specific claims rest on physical fragments and characteristic markings recovered from strike sites, which Amnesty explicitly reported using to link JDAM components to two deadly strikes that killed 43 civilians [1]; OSMP supplies a curated library of spent munition images and 3-D renderings that investigators match against wreckage and media from Gaza [2]; Airwars combines named casualty lists and incident sequencing with open-source footage and witness statements to build incidence narratives that can be paired with munition evidence [2]; and task‑force and think‑tank analyses cite aggregated counts and classification of munitions (e.g., proportions described as “dumb” versus guided, and headline figures like hundreds of thousands of munitions or tens of thousands used) based on U.S. intelligence reporting and other official sources [4] [5] [6].

3. Representative findings and how they were grounded

Specific, munition-linked findings include Amnesty’s identification of JDAM fragments at two household strike sites and its conclusion those strikes were unlawful based on the munitions used and absence of military objective [1]; investigative pieces using OSMP showed the presence of GBU‑39 remnants and linked those to documented strikes and casualty tallies, corroborated by defense‑industry confirmation of weapon use patterns [2]; and aggregate analyses — such as an independent task force brief cited by media — reported that a large share of munitions used were unguided “dumb” bombs, a point traced back to unnamed U.S. intelligence sources [4] [5].

4. Methodological strengths: triangulation; weaknesses: access and attribution

The independent work’s strength is methodological triangulation: physical fragments and markings, photographic libraries (OSMP), casualty lists (Airwars), and expert corroboration (Janes, munitions specialists) together create persuasive munition-level attribution [2] [1]. Its central weakness is restricted access to Gaza for independent investigators and reliance on remote or second‑hand evidence; multiple reports note Israel’s limited transparency and barriers to in‑situ investigation, which force investigators to depend on post-strike imagery, fragments collected by local responders, and intelligence leaks [4] [3].

5. Competing narratives, implicit agendas and interpretive caution

Different actors emphasize different parts of the same data: human-rights groups foreground forensic links between specific US‑made munitions and civilian deaths to press for accountability [1], while some policy reports highlight aggregate munition volumes or classify proportional use of “dumb” versus guided weapons based on U.S. intelligence to shape diplomatic debate about arms transfers [4] [5]. Independent reporters using OSMP may rely on defense‑industry sources for technical confirmation, which introduces potential bias toward what manufacturers or intelligence analysts are willing to disclose [2]. Where claims extend beyond what fragments and imagery can prove — for example, identifying the precise platform or pilot — the published work generally flags those limits [2] [4].

6. Bottom line for readers and researchers

Munition-by-munition analysis in Gaza exists but is uneven: Amnesty and similar forensic investigations have produced case-level identifications using fragments and distinctive markings [1], OSMP-enabled reporting has mapped remnants to broader patterns of weapons use [2], Airwars supplies incident-level casualty data that investigators pair with munition evidence [2], and independent task forces and policy analyses aggregate intelligence on volumes and weapon types while acknowledging access constraints [4] [5]. Where assertions go beyond the physical trace evidence or named incident reports, the published sources largely caveat their findings because of limited on‑the‑ground verification [4] [2].

Want to dive deeper?
How do open-source munitions identification tools like OSMP build and verify their image libraries?
Which documented Gaza strikes have had forensic munition identifications accepted by multiple independent organizations?
What legal thresholds do international bodies use to classify a munition-linked strike as a potential war crime?