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What percentage of SNAP recipients in the U.S. are noncitizens or legal immigrants (by year)?

Checked on November 7, 2025
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Executive Summary

The best available administrative data and recent analyses show the vast majority of SNAP recipients are U.S. citizens: U.S.-born citizens make up roughly 90% of participants and, with naturalized citizens included, about 95–96% in the most recent USDA administrative accounting (FY2023 data). Independent survey-based and policy-analyst estimates emphasize that noncitizen participation is small but visible, concentrated in mixed-status households and among children who are U.S. citizens, and estimates of noncitizen shares vary depending on methodology and whether the measure counts individuals, households, or spending [1] [2] [3].

1. What people are actually claiming — and why the numbers diverge

Multiple claims circulate: one asserts a large share of SNAP recipients are noncitizens; others report noncitizen participation under 5 percent. These divergent headlines reflect different measurement approaches. Administrative enrollment counts from USDA show citizenship status of participants and report that almost 90% are U.S.-born citizens and about 95.6% including naturalized citizens in 2023, with noncitizens constituting roughly 4–5% of recipients and about 4.8% of dollar spending in FY2023 [1] [2]. By contrast, household survey analyses and Migration Policy Institute (MPI) work count households with any immigrant members, mixed-eligibility households, or measure rates within poor immigrant households; those approaches report higher proportions of immigrant-headed households using SNAP benefits—particularly among households with young children—which can be misread as a high share of overall SNAP recipients [3] [4].

2. The most reliable administrative picture — what USDA data shows

USDA administrative data for FY2023 provides the clearest count of participants by documented status: about 90% U.S.-born, roughly 5% naturalized, and approximately 4–5% noncitizens, with noncitizen recipients concentrated among refugees, asylees, lawful permanent residents with qualifying status, and very limited exceptions for others; unauthorized immigrants are broadly ineligible [1] [2]. USDA figures also show noncitizen participants account for a small share of program costs—around $5.7 billion of roughly $119.6 billion in SNAP benefits in FY2023—underscoring that noncitizen involvement is limited in scale relative to the whole program [2]. These administrative statistics are the most direct measure of program enrollment by legal status and are updated annually.

3. Why survey and policy-analyst numbers can look larger

Survey-based estimates and MPI-style analyses focus on household composition, eligibility complexity, and poverty-level program reliance, not administrative enrollment counts. MPI and similar reports document that millions live in poor immigrant households and that many such households are eligible for or receive SNAP on behalf of U.S.-born children; MPI finds notable shares of poor immigrant households using SNAP—particularly where households are mixed-eligibility—and that participation rates among eligible immigrant households can approach those of U.S.-born households in some subgroups [4]. These studies also highlight policy barriers—like the 1996 restrictions, “public charge” chilling effects, and state-level variation—that depress take-up among eligible immigrants, meaning household-level usage can differ from enrollment-by-immigration-status counts [5] [6].

4. Important methodological caveats that explain conflicting headlines

Key reasons for differing claims include: whether the metric is individual participants vs. households, whether naturalized citizens are folded into “immigrants,” whether counts are administrative enrollments or survey-based estimates, and whether analysts report shares of poor immigrant households using SNAP rather than shares of all SNAP recipients who are noncitizens. Administrative counts undercount some realities—like U.S.-born children in households where adults are noncitizens—while surveys can overstate immigrant involvement if they report household-level usage instead of individual recipient status. Analysts also vary in including refugees, certain lawful permanent residents, and mixed-eligibility cases, which affects reported percentages [1] [3] [7].

5. Bottom line and what policymakers and consumers of media should take away

The evidence converges on a clear bottom line: noncitizens make up a small minority of SNAP recipients, typically around 4–5% by administrative counts in recent years, while U.S. citizens—both U.S.-born and naturalized—comprise the overwhelming majority of participants and spending [1] [2]. Policy discussions that focus on immigrant “use” of SNAP should distinguish household-level poverty analyses from program enrollment statistics, and be transparent about whether figures represent individuals, households, eligibility, or spending—because conflating these leads to misleading impressions about who benefits from SNAP and why [4] [6].

Want to dive deeper?
What percentage of SNAP recipients were noncitizens or legal immigrants in 2020?
How has the share of noncitizen SNAP recipients changed since 2000?
Which U.S. government sources report SNAP recipient citizenship status by year (USDA, Census, DHS)?
How do eligibility rules differ for noncitizen vs. citizen SNAP recipients by year (e.g., 1996, 2002, 2019)?
What impact did policy changes (e.g., 1996 welfare reform) have on noncitizen enrollment in SNAP?