How did the electoral college results compare to the popular vote in 2016?

Checked on January 22, 2026
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Executive summary

The 2016 presidential contest produced a clear split: Hillary Clinton won the nationwide popular vote by roughly 2.9 million votes, yet Donald Trump won a majority of Electoral College votes and thereby the presidency [1] [2]. This outcome — one of five U.S. elections where the Electoral College winner lost the popular vote — underscored structural features of American federal voting and sharpened debates about reform [3] [4].

1. The raw math: popular vote versus electors

Hillary Clinton received about 2.9 million more votes than Donald Trump — roughly a 2.1 percentage-point lead in the national popular vote — while Trump secured a winning Electoral College total that, after faithless-elector adjustments, yielded a decisive Electoral College victory (Pew’s tabulation and reporting; 270toWin summary) [1] [2]. Official federal and archival tallies show the Electoral College outcome that made Trump president, with state-by-state certificates later collected by the National Archives [5] [6].

2. Why the Electoral College can diverge from the popular tally

The Constitution’s Electoral College awards electors mostly on a state-by-state, winner-take-all basis, so a candidate can concentrate narrow victories in key states and accumulate a majority of electors even while losing the nationwide vote total; the nationwide popular vote is only an aggregate tally and does not determine the presidency [4] [7]. That structural design inflates or compresses margins between electoral and popular shares in many elections, a phenomenon scholars have quantified as an “EV inflation factor” historically favoring winners’ electoral shares relative to popular percentages (Pew analysis) [1].

3. What made 2016 different: the geography of narrow state wins

Analysts identify three main explanations for the wide split in 2016: the geographic distribution of votes, economic and political trends that depressed Democratic margins in the so-called “blue wall” states, and campaign dynamics that left narrow margins in a handful of Midwestern swing states — notably Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania — that flipped and provided Trump the necessary electors (Journal of Democracy analysis; Wikipedia state swing summary) [8] [9]. Those narrow state-level wins mattered far more than large Democratic margins in populous states like California and New York, where excess votes do not translate into extra electors under winner-take-all rules [2].

4. The unusual role of faithless electors and certification

The 2016 cycle also featured an unusually high number of so-called faithless electors — seven in total — who cast presidential ballots for candidates other than their pledged nominees, a phenomenon that changed the raw pledged totals seen on election night versus the final Electoral College roll call but did not alter the outcome [2] [3]. Electors meet in state capitals and certificates are forwarded to federal archive and congressional count procedures that formalize the result, a process documented by the Office of the Federal Register and the National Archives [6] [5].

5. Political reactions, reform proposals and competing narratives

Clashes over legitimacy followed the split: critics argued the result exposed the Electoral College’s democratic deficit and renewed calls for a national popular vote or the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, while defenders said the system preserves federalism and forces campaigns to seek geographically broad coalitions rather than only urban majorities (Common Cause advocacy; Stanford scholars’ critique) [10] [11]. Reporting and scholarly work present both empirical accounts of how the mechanics produced the split and normative judgments about whether the system should be reformed, with advocates framing reform as expanding equal voter influence and defenders warning of unintended consequences if the College were abandoned [10] [11].

6. What the 2016 split teaches about future elections

The 2016 case is a reminder that margins in a small number of battleground states can decide the presidency regardless of the national popular tally, and that the Electoral College’s state-centric mechanics will continue to produce splits unless legal or institutional change occurs — a subject actively discussed in policy advocacy, state legislatures, and academic literature (Ballotpedia tracking of splits; Common Cause and scholarly commentary) [12] [10].

Want to dive deeper?
How did vote distributions in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania shift between 2012 and 2016?
What is the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact and which states have adopted it?
How have past faithless electors affected Electoral College outcomes and what reforms exist to prevent them?