What age groups in Minnesota shifted most in favor or against Tim Walz after his education and healthcare decisions?

1. What the public polling actually says: steady but softening support

Multiple releases cited in the provided reporting place Walz’s approval in the mid‑50s in some polls and nearer to 49–53% in others, indicating a modest downward drift rather than a precipitous collapse — for example, a DFL statement noted 55–41 approval and other independent polls found numbers around 49–53% across early 2025 ^{[1] [2] [3]}. Those figures show overall movement but do not, in these reports, map shifts to particular age cohorts or to single policy decisions ^{[1] [2]}.

2. Where reporting ties controversy to public reaction — and where it doesn’t

Coverage highlights controversies that could influence opinions — notably state fraud scandals and criticism from federal figures — and political spin from both parties trying to frame Walz’s standing ^{[4] [5] [6]}. CNN’s review described a “hands‑off” approach to fraud accountability that became a political issue ^[4]. But none of the listed pieces provide poll cross‑tabs by age showing who shifted for or against him after his education and healthcare decisions; available sources do not mention age‑cohort polling around those policies ^{[4] [5]}.

3. The limitations of the public record provided

The available sources include headline approval numbers, party statements and summaries of controversies, but they lack the microdata needed to answer the user’s specific question: there are no age‑group cross‑tabs or post‑policy polling releases in the provided material ^{[1] [2] [4]}. That means any claim about “which age groups shifted most” would be speculation unless sourced to polling cross‑tabs or academic analysis not present in these results ^{[1] [2]}.

4. Competing narratives and where they come from

The DFL frames Walz’s numbers as “strong” (55–41) and emphasizes policy wins on education and family supports; Republicans and some outlets emphasize scandal or declining numbers to argue his standing is weakening ^{[1] [7]}. Local news outlets that published slightly weaker numbers noted mixed desires about a third term (43% want him to run / 43% don’t in one SurveyUSA release), showing how identical raw approval can be interpreted two ways depending on political aims ^{[8] [9]}.

5. What a proper answer would require — and how to get it

To determine which age groups shifted most for or against Walz after specific education or healthcare decisions you need: (a) polls taken before and after the policy decisions that include age‑group cross‑tabs, or (b) a reputable pollster’s crosstabs or regression analysis isolating the effect of those policies. None of the provided sources include that level of detail; seek SurveyUSA, Morning Consult, Star Tribune or other pollsters’ cross‑tab sheets or academic polling analyses for age‑specific shifts ^{[9] [8] [7]}.

6. Short guidance for next steps and likely hypotheses to test

Based on usual patterns (not in these sources), younger voters often respond strongly to education policy and older voters to healthcare issues; but the supplied reporting does not confirm that in Minnesota for Walz (available sources do not mention that age‑pattern in this case) ^{[1] [2]}. I recommend obtaining raw cross‑tabs from the named polls (SurveyUSA/KSTP, Star Tribune, Morning Consult) or commissioning a follow‑up poll with age‑breakdowns and questions tying approval changes explicitly to the education and healthcare decisions you reference ^{[9] [7] [8]}.

Limitations: This analysis uses only the supplied items and therefore cannot assert age‑group shifts because those data are not in the included reporting ^{[1] [2] [4]}.