Are liberals smarter than conservatives

Checked on January 16, 2026
Disclaimer: Factually can make mistakes. Please verify important information or breaking news. Learn more.

This fact-check may be outdated. Consider refreshing it to get the most current information.

Executive summary

There is no simple yes-or-no answer: large-scale studies show modest associations between certain measures of cognitive ability and political orientation—especially that higher verbal or general cognitive scores predict social liberalism—but effects are small, inconsistent across dimensions, and often explained by education, income, and measurement choice, so it is inaccurate to claim “liberals are categorically smarter than conservatives” [1] [2] [3].

1. What the data actually show: small correlations, big caveats

Multiple meta-analyses and recent large studies find a negative association between cognitive ability and social conservatism (higher cognitive scores linked with more socially liberal views), but effect sizes are typically modest and sensitive to which cognitive domain is measured and how political views are parsed (social vs economic conservatism) [2] [4] [3].

2. Verbal skills and “liberal” labels: the nuance researchers flag

Some work finds that the apparent link between intelligence and liberalism is accounted for largely by verbal ability rather than a unitary IQ factor, and that professionally‑administered tests sometimes show stronger relationships than brief self‑tests, meaning measurement choices shape conclusions [5] [3].

3. Economic conservatism complicates the story

The correlation is less consistent for economic conservatism; higher cognitive ability can promote liberalism via its positive effect on education while also promoting conservative economic views indirectly via higher income, producing mixed or even opposing pathways depending on which mediator—education or income—is dominant in a sample [2] [1].

4. Causality and mediation: genes, families, and environments

Genetic and family‑controlled analyses suggest intelligence can predict social liberalism within families even after socioeconomic controls, but authors caution that mediation by education, income and environment remains plausible and causal direction is not definitively settled [4] [1].

5. Effect size perspective: not a chasm between groups

Empirical papers note that mean differences, when present, are small — sometimes amounting to only a few IQ‑point equivalents or explaining a tiny percentage of variance in ideology — so portraying conservatives as “stupid” or liberals as vastly smarter misrepresents the magnitude researchers report [3] [6].

6. Psychological complexity: cognition versus moral psychology

Beyond IQ, research highlights different cognitive styles—reflective versus intuitive thinking, moral foundations, and cognitive complexity—that vary with ideology; these patterns complicate any simple intelligence‑based hierarchy and suggest distinct cognitive tradeoffs rather than unilateral superiority [7].

7. Social consequences and misinterpretations

Some studies link lower cognitive scores with greater prejudice and social conservatism in correlational designs, but authors and reviewers repeatedly warn these are correlations not proofs of causation and that the social and political context shapes both cognition measures and ideology [8] [9].

8. Bottom line: evidence supports modest associations, not categorical claims

The scholarly consensus in the provided literature is that intelligence relates to some political attitudes—particularly social liberalism—but associations are modest, conditional on measurement and mediation, and far too weak to justify sweeping moral judgments about either side; declaring one side intrinsically smarter misreads nuance and inflates small effects [1] [2] [3].

Want to dive deeper?
How much of the liberal–conservative IQ gap is explained by education and income mediators?
Which cognitive domains (verbal, fluid, crystallized) best predict political ideology in recent family‑controlled studies?
How do measurement choices (self‑report vs professionally administered tests) change observed links between intelligence and political beliefs?