Asylum claims denied biden

Checked on January 18, 2026
Disclaimer: Factually can make mistakes. Please verify important information or breaking news. Learn more.

Executive summary

Asylum outcomes under President Biden show a mixed and evolving picture: early in his term asylum grant rates improved from Trump-era lows, but by 2023–2025 denial rates in immigration courts climbed sharply and reached multi‑decade highs according to multiple trackers and court data [1] [2] [3]. Explanations differ—administrative rule changes, court backlog dynamics, and prosecutorial decisions all matter—so any simple attribution to one administration is incomplete [4] [2].

1. Early gains, then a reversal in court outcomes

Independent reporting and DHS statistics indicate asylum grant rates rose when Biden took office compared with the Trump peak denial year of FY2020—denial rates fell to about 63% in FY2021, implying improved success for some asylum seekers early in the Biden term [1], yet court-level data compiled through 2024–2025 show a sharp reversal: immigration judges’ denial rates climbed from around the mid‑40s percent in late 2023 to figures of 60–76% in late 2024 and early 2025 as reported by court analysts and media outlets [5] [2] [3].

2. Records in decisions and denials amid backlog pressures

Observers documented record volumes of asylum decisions alongside record denial percentages—March 2025 saw an unprecedented 10,933 asylum decisions and, by some tallies, denial rates above 70% in single months—reflecting expedited adjudication amid a backlog measured in millions of pending cases and long wait times [2] [3]. The Congressional Research Service and EOIR-derived summaries show year‑to‑year grant and denial rates have fluctuated widely across administrations, underscoring that volume and docket management affect outcome percentages [6].

3. Policy levers and contested explanations

Analysts and advocates point to multiple policy drivers: the Biden administration both reversed some Trump restrictions (for example ending Remain in Mexico) and issued new constraints such as an “Asylum Ban” and rules limiting eligibility tied to public‑health or security grounds, while also expanding parole programs and alternative legal pathways—all of which complicate who applies and how cases proceed [7] [8] [9]. Legal and court‑management changes—prosecutorial priorities, administrative closures, and guidance from DOJ and DHS—are cited by commentators as contributing to shifting denial rates, but these are debated rather than settled in the public record [2] [10] [4].

4. Data disputes and partisan narratives

Advocacy groups and think tanks interpret the same trends differently: human‑rights organizations argue that headline denial numbers can mislead if they ignore credible‑fear processing and barriers like detention or counsel access that suppress grants [11], while critics of the Biden era argue denial surges began under Biden and accelerated into 2024–25, sometimes framing courts as an “asylum denial machine” that transcends any single administration [5] [2]. Congressional and CRS summaries note wide annual swings since 2015, reminding readers that raw percentages reflect complex case mixes and procedural categories [6].

5. What can be concluded, and what remains uncertain

The defensible conclusion from available reporting is that asylum grant rates improved from the Trump high‑denial period early in Biden’s term but that immigration court denials rose substantially in 2023–2025, producing record monthly denial counts by some measures [1] [2] [3]. What remains uncertain—and what the sources explicitly caution about—is the causal weight of Biden policies versus court docket management, prosecutorial choices, or residual effects of prior administrations; the sources document trends but do not establish a single causal narrative that attributes all increases or decreases to President Biden alone [2] [4] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
How did the end of Title 42 and CBP One app usage affect asylum court outcomes in 2023–2024?
What role do prosecutorial priorities and administrative closures play in immigration court denial rates?
How do asylum grant and denial rates differ between affirmative USCIS decisions and defensive immigration court decisions?