Fact check: Did Biden drop bombs without congressional support

1. Summary of the results

Based on the analyses provided, President Biden has indeed conducted military strikes without explicit congressional approval for those specific actions. The evidence shows that in February 2024, Biden ordered U.S. military strikes against Houthi rebels in Yemen without congressional approval, with many Democrats complaining about Biden's usurping of congressional authority ^[1]. Additionally, Biden used the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force as legal rationale for a targeted killing of Iranian-backed militiamen in Iraq in 2024 ^{[2] [3]}.

However, Biden has significantly reduced the overall number of drone strikes and airstrikes, particularly in Iraq, Syria, Somalia, and Yemen compared to previous administrations ^[4]. The Biden administration has also released rules governing lethal strikes outside of recognized warzones abroad, though critics argue these rules don't go far enough in protecting civilians ^[5].

2. Missing context/alternative viewpoints

The original question lacks crucial historical and legal context. Presidents of both parties have routinely launched military action without Congress declaring war - this practice has become standard rather than exceptional ^{[6] [2]}. Biden cited both the 2002 AUMF and Article II constitutional powers when taking military actions against Iran-backed militant groups, and filed reports to Congress as required by the War Powers Resolution ^[3].

The question also omits that Congress itself failed to pass an Authorization for the Use of Military Force supporting Biden's attacks on Houthis, despite Democratic complaints about the lack of prior approval ^[1]. This suggests a complex dynamic where Congress criticizes presidential action but fails to provide clear authorization or constraints.

Military contractors, defense industry lobbyists, and hawkish foreign policy establishments would benefit from framing any military action as necessary and legally justified, while anti-war organizations and congressional oversight advocates would benefit from emphasizing the lack of explicit congressional approval to strengthen legislative war powers.

3. Potential misinformation/bias in the original statement

The question "Did Biden drop bombs without congressional support" contains potential bias through its framing. It implies that Biden's actions were uniquely problematic without acknowledging that this practice has become routine across multiple presidencies ^{[6] [2]}.

The question also oversimplifies the legal framework - while Biden conducted strikes without specific congressional approval for those actions, he did cite existing legal authorities including the 2002 AUMF and constitutional Article II powers ^[3]. The framing ignores the distinction between having no legal justification versus acting under disputed or broad interpretations of existing authorities.

Furthermore, the question fails to acknowledge that Biden has actually reduced military strikes compared to previous administrations ^[4], which provides important context about his overall approach to military action.