How many flight-log entries tie Bill Clinton to Jeffrey Epstein and what do they show?

Checked on February 5, 2026
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Executive summary

Flight logs and related documents published from the Jeffrey Epstein files tie Bill Clinton to somewhere between about a dozen and the high‑teens of Epstein‑associated flights; different outlets and document releases report figures ranging from at least 11 to as many as 27 entries, with most recent mainstream tallies clustering around 16–17 flights in the 2001–2003 period [1] [2] [3] [4]. The logs show Clinton traveling on Epstein’s aircraft for a series of trips — often international and reportedly connected to Clinton Foundation or speaking engagements — usually with staff and Secret Service present; the records, on their face, document travel but do not themselves prove criminal conduct by Clinton [5] [6] [4] [7].

1. What the flight logs actually contain and the headline counts

Publicly released flight‑log excerpts and analyses list Bill Clinton on Epstein flight manifests multiple times, with counts varying by reporter and tranche: early reporting and some compilations cited "at least 11" flights tied to specific associates in 2002–03 [1], CNN and other contemporaneous analyses counted "at least 16" flights in the early‑2000s period [2], and several outlets and later summarizing accounts reference "17 legs" or similar figures for that 2001–2003 span [3] [8]. Separate, widely cited summaries going back to earlier releases — including a Wikipedia synthesis drawing on past reporting — have even cited larger tallies such as 27 flights over a broader timeframe, though those higher numbers mix different types of logs and interpretations [4].

2. What the logs show beyond raw counts: destinations, companions, and context

The logs record international itineraries — including trips to Africa and stops on multiple continents — and list accompanying passengers and crew; reporting notes explicit references to Clinton traveling with staffers and, in many instances, Secret Service detail, and identifies stops in countries like Norway, Russia, Hong Kong and China among destinations appearing in the wider Epstein file releases [4] [9] [5]. Media reviews and the Justice Department document drops also produced photographs and correspondence showing Clinton in Epstein‑related contexts, but the aviation manifests themselves are essentially passenger lists and routing entries, not investigative findings of criminal behavior [6] [2].

3. How Clinton’s team and official records frame those flights

Clinton’s spokespeople have consistently framed the flights as tied to foundation work and paid speaking tours and have emphasized that Secret Service and staff were on the trips; they have denied knowledge of Epstein’s crimes, said Clinton cut off contact around 2002–2003, and have maintained he never visited Epstein’s private island, New Mexico ranch or Palm Beach residence — claims supported by a 2017 FOIA result the Justice Department released showing no Secret Service record of island travel [5] [4] [1]. The former president’s representatives also point out that photographs and manifest entries include many members of his official detail and aides, which they say explains his documented presence on Epstein aircraft [7].

4. Why published counts differ and what that means for interpretation

Differences in reported totals stem from several factors: whether analysts count individual flight legs versus multi‑stop trips, whether they include all Epstein aircraft or only particular manifests, redactions in released files, and differing time windows used by researchers — all of which yield plausible but inconsistent tallies between roughly 11 and 27 entries [1] [2] [4]. Journalists and congressional investigators cite the logs as corroborating contact and travel patterns, but each numerical claim depends on dataset choices; the documents themselves do not ascribe motives or illegal acts, and the presence of a name on a manifest is not the same as proof of participation in criminal conduct [10] [6].

5. Political context, competing narratives, and reporting limits

The flight logs have become political ammunition for both Republican investigators pressing for depositions and critics who argue the material reveals troubling social proximity; supporters stress the benign explanations and the limitations of what passenger records prove [11] [12]. Oversight reports and committee rhetoric sometimes treat raw document counts as evidence of deeper ties [10], while mainstream outlets caution readers that travel logs are one piece of a much larger evidentiary puzzle — and that the released files do not, by themselves, show Clinton’s involvement in Epstein’s criminality [13] [6]. Current reporting is constrained to the documents released publicly; absent corroborating testimony or investigative findings, the logs only show that Clinton was recorded on Epstein‑associated flights multiple times, most commonly in the early 2000s, often with official staff and Secret Service present [2] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
How do journalists reconcile different counts in Epstein flight‑log analyses and what methodologies produce the 11, 16, 17 and 27 figures?
What do the Epstein files and unredacted flight manifests reveal about who else regularly traveled with Clinton on Epstein flights?
What standards of proof do congressional investigators and prosecutors use to move from flight‑log entries to subpoenas or criminal referrals?