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What political donations have Comcast CEO Brian L. Roberts made and to which parties?

Checked on November 10, 2025
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Executive Summary

Brian L. Roberts, Comcast’s CEO, has a recorded history of making political donations to both Democratic and Republican candidates and party committees, creating a bipartisan giving pattern rather than exclusive loyalty to one party. Public donor records summarized by OpenSecrets and reporting across the materials show specific donations spanning the 1990s through the early 2010s, with totals reported variably by different compilers but consistently indicating contributions on both sides of the aisle [1] [2] [3].

1. A Bipartisan Record, by the Numbers — What the Compilations Show

OpenSecrets’ donor lookup entries compiled from Federal Election Commission filings list dozens of federal contributions by Brian L. Roberts between 1993 and 2018, citing donations to both Democratic and Republican recipients and party committees; individual listed items include modest sums to candidates such as Al Gore and Maria Cantwell on the Democratic side and to Rudolph Giuliani and Rick Santorum on the Republican side, as well as committee-level donations including the DNC and RNC [1]. Other summaries and media reporting echo that pattern: one analysis reports cumulative figures of about $90,600 to Democratic candidates/PACs versus $70,300 to Republican recipients, noting the last recorded personal donation was in 2012, which would indicate more money to Democrats overall but substantial Republican contributions as well [3]. A 2016 article in The Hill likewise framed Roberts’ giving as primarily pro-Democratic in the post-2006 period, listing FEC totals of $76,000 to Democrats and $13,500 to Republicans since 2006, which aligns with the narrative that his more recent activity favored Democrats [2].

2. Specific Examples That Illustrate the Pattern — Small Gifts, Big Committees

The granular OpenSecrets entries show a mixture of individual candidate donations and larger committee gifts: examples cited include $1,000 to Al Gore [4], $2,400 to Maria Cantwell [5], smaller gifts to multiple Democratic House and Senate campaigns, and committee donations such as multiple payments to DNC Services Corp, while Republican entries include donations to Rudy Giuliani, Rick Santorum, and national party committees like the NRSC, RNC, and NRCC in various years [1]. Other summaries repeat a few concrete items—such as a $600 donation to Senator Cantwell and a $5,000 donation to the RNC—underscoring that records capture both candidate-level and party-level giving, and that some contributions are materially larger when routed to party committees compared with individual candidate checks [6] [7]. These mixed items support a picture of strategic giving consistent with corporate leaders who both hedge access across parties and participate in party fundraising structures.

3. Corporate vs. Personal: How Comcast’s PAC and Corporate Giving Complicates the Picture

OpenSecrets’ company-level profiles show Comcast Corp’s political spending as an organizational matter—reporting, for instance, that in recent cycles the company’s donations were weighted toward Democrats (about two‑thirds in 2024 according to the company profile), but such entries do not disaggregate personal donations by executives like Roberts; they reflect employee and PAC flows rather than a CEO’s personal checkbook [8] [9]. This distinction matters because corporate political spending and executive personal donations are reported separately; media coverage that describes Comcast executives as Obama supporters and highlights corporate PAC activity captures institutional behavior that may be correlated with, but is not identical to, Brian Roberts’ personal donation history [2]. Readers should note that conflating corporate totals with an individual executive’s donations risks overstating either partisan tilt or personal motive.

4. Divergent Totals and Timelines — Why Compilations Differ

The materials present different aggregate totals and time frames: OpenSecrets’ itemized history spans many years and lists dozens of specific gifts [1], another compilation gives cumulative Democratic and Republican totals suggesting a modest Democratic tilt and a cessation of personal donations after 2012 [3], while The Hill’s 2016 reporting focuses on post-2006 totals showing a stronger Democratic preference [2]. These discrepancies arise because datasets cover different date ranges, treat committee versus candidate donations differently, and may exclude corporate or affiliated contributions; moreover, reporting cutoffs and whether transfers through party service corporations are counted as partisan donations can change tallies. The result is consistent qualitative agreement—Roberts gave to both parties—but quantitative variance across sources about how much and when.

5. What’s Missing and What to Watch For — Gaps, Agendas, and Useful Next Steps

The assembled evidence documents a bipartisan donation history but leaves open precise, up‑to‑date totals and any giving after 2012; secondary sources flag that some records are incomplete or aggregated differently, and corporate filings sometimes obscure individual lines [1] [8] [3]. Watch for potential agendas: watchdog groups emphasizing transparency may highlight undisclosed director donations to push corporate disclosure [6], while corporate communications or favorable reporting may stress access relationships and public‑interest projects rather than donation specifics [2]. For definitive, current verification, consult the Federal Election Commission raw filings and OpenSecrets’ donor lookup for Brian L. Roberts, cross‑referenced with the latest SEC disclosures and any company director‑level reporting for exact dates, amounts, and recipients.

Want to dive deeper?
How much has Brian L Roberts donated to Democratic candidates over the years?
What Republican politicians or PACs has Brian L Roberts supported?
Overview of Comcast PAC political spending by party
Changes in Brian L Roberts political donations since 2016
Influence of Comcast donations on media regulation policies