NBC projected that California’s Proposition 50 (congressional redistricting measure) passed with ~74.7% Yes votes

Checked on December 17, 2025
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Executive summary

NBC’s alleged projection that Proposition 50 passed with roughly 74.7% “Yes” votes is not supported by the reporting provided here; multiple authoritative tallies and contemporaneous news accounts put the measure’s final or certified margin in the mid‑60s (about 63.9–64.6% Yes) rather than three‑quarters of the vote [1] [2] [3].

1. What the official tallies and major outlets reported

State certification and newsroom tallies after the November special election show Proposition 50 passing by roughly two‑thirds of the vote, not 74.7%: the Secretary of State–linked reporting and county maps list a certified outcome of about 63.9% Yes to 36.1% No (5,291,908 to 2,989,022) with turnout around 35.9% as of an 8 p.m. snapshot reported by CaliforniaToday and the Secretary of State source [1] [4], while analysis outlets such as PPIC cited a current tally around 64.6% Yes in post‑election takeaways [2], and Wikipedia’s summary similarly recorded about 64.4% in its compiled overview [3].

2. Why raw night‑of projections can differ from certified results

California’s vote counting is front‑loaded with mail ballots and can continue for days after polls close, so early network projections — if one existed claiming ~74.7% — could reflect incomplete returns or selective early tallies rather than the full count; news coverage reminds readers that a large share of ballots arrives by mail and that only a portion are reported immediately on election night [5]. Several outlets described Prop 50 as opening a wide lead on election night and ultimately passing comfortably, but none of the provided sources document an NBC projection at 74.7% [6] [7] [8].

3. Regional voting patterns and why percentages mattered politically

The geographic results undercut a simple narrative of unanimous consensus: Prop 50 won in much of populous California and even carried some counties that voted for Donald Trump in 2024 (Riverside, San Bernardino, Imperial and a handful of others), but it lost heavily in some rural northeastern counties where “No” margins exceeded 70–79% in places like Lassen and Modoc [9] [10] [1]. Those county splits, combined with the state’s large Democratic registration advantage, help explain why a two‑thirds statewide margin translated into a politically significant but not near‑three‑quarters landslide [9] [2].

4. Competing narratives, the litigation that followed, and how percentages are used

Proposition 50 was framed by supporters as a partisan countermove to Texas’s redistricting and by opponents as Democratic gerrymandering; the final margin was large enough to certify the map but not so extreme that legal or political opponents couldn’t challenge it — indeed, Republicans filed federal lawsuits alleging racial gerrymandering after the secretary of state certified that “nearly two‑thirds” had voted yes [11]. Media outlets emphasized different takeaways — some highlighting the decisive mandate to redraw maps for partisan gain [8] [6], others noting narrower margins in specific counties — but the factual record in these sources consistently points to mid‑60s support rather than ~74.7% [1] [2].

5. Assessing the original NBC claim against provided reporting

The sources supplied here contain no evidence that NBC projected a 74.7% Yes vote; the contemporaneous tallies and certified counts repeatedly give the Yes total at roughly 63.9–64.6% [1] [2] [3]. Without an NBC item in the provided set, it is impossible to confirm whether NBC ever published a 74.7% projection, whether that figure reflected an early partial sample, or whether it was a misremembered or misreported number; the balanced conclusion from available reporting is that the widely reported and certified margin was about two‑thirds, not three‑quarters [1] [2] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
How did county‑level returns change in the days after election night for Proposition 50?
What are the legal arguments in the federal lawsuits challenging California’s Prop 50 maps?
How did turnout and mail‑ballot timing affect early network projections in California’s 2025 special election?