In California, they gave options to not put in full data of who u r to register to vote. Whats that? A blue state
Executive summary
California’s voter-registration system gives applicants several ways to avoid supplying certain pieces of personal information (or to control how that information is shared) — options built into VoteCal, the DMV “Motor Voter” flow, the online form and county practices — and these are administrative privacy features, not partisan favors for a “blue state” (VoteCal and DMV opt-out mechanics are described by the Secretary of State) [1] [2] [3].
1. What options exist when registering in California — the mechanics
California offers automatic registration through the DMV that a person can decline (an opt‑out), an online registration that lets people use the signature on file with the DMV, and registration forms that do not always require a state driver license/ID number (but may require extra steps if it is absent) [1] [2]; some contact fields such as phone number are optional at the time of registration, meaning registrants can omit them [4].
2. What happens to the data you do give — public file access vs. restricted elements
The statewide voter file (the Voter Registration Information File or Public Voter Registration Data Request) contains name, date of birth, address, precinct and party preference and is available to qualified requestors; additional elements like voter history or inactive‑voter records must be specifically requested and are treated differently in distribution [5]. County and state rules also govern who can access full data and for what purposes; requestors often must identify intended uses and may face penalties for misuse [6] [7].
3. Privacy protections and verification when information is missing
When a registrant does not provide a California driver license or ID number or the last four of a Social Security number, the system generates a unique identifier and county officials perform validation steps (Calvalidator/Calvoter processes) before accepting or syncing records; those procedures are part of legal and technical safeguards for absent data [8]. The Secretary of State requires identity verification rules and file‑maintenance procedures to keep the rolls accurate, which is why omitting certain identifiers can trigger additional verification rather than automatic rejection [9] [8].
4. Why this is not simply a partisan “blue state” giveaway
These options are primarily administrative responses to federal requirements (HAVA) and to practical realities (people without driver licenses, privacy concerns, and outreach to young or mobile voters), not a partisan preference: VoteCal was implemented to centralize registration and meet HAVA standards, and the state publishes statistics and guidance to apply the system uniformly across counties [1] [10]. Opposing viewpoints exist — privacy advocates warn about public access to addresses and party affiliation, while transparency supporters argue for public access to voter rolls for accountability — and California’s rules attempt to balance those interests through access controls and permitted‑use restrictions [6] [4].
5. How much of the record is actually public and how it can be used
A publicly released voter file can include full names, addresses, party affiliation and sometimes phone numbers when provided; however, distributors require applicants to state permissible uses and may limit or charge for files, and misuse can be a misdemeanor under state regulations [5] [7] [6]. Journalists and qualified researchers have pathways to more detailed records under defined uses, but ordinary citizens can also check their registration status online and update or pre‑register through official portals [11] [2].
6. Bottom line — what “options to not put in full data” means in practice
The phrase refers to a mix of opt‑out and optional‑field policies (declining DMV automatic registration, omitting optional contact fields, not supplying a driver ID or SSN digits and accepting extra verification) plus rules about what parts of the voter file are routinely published versus released only on request for approved uses; those are administrative design choices anchored in law and technology, not evidence of partisan manipulation [1] [2] [5].