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Fact check: Can a U.S. president use the National Emergencies Act to open government funding?

Checked on November 3, 2025

Executive summary

A president cannot unilaterally “open” or create new appropriations for the government under the National Emergencies Act; the Act can make certain statutory powers available and has been used to redirect existing funds in limited circumstances, but it does not replace Congress’s power of the purse. Past administrations have invoked emergency authorities to move or repurpose specific categories of funds — notably military construction funds — prompting legal debate, congressional pushback, and oversight questions [1] [2] [3].

1. Why “opening” government funding by declaration sounds powerful — and why it is limited

The National Emergencies Act creates a mechanism for the President to declare emergencies that unlock statutory powers Congress has already enacted, but it does not itself create a general appropriation authority or a blank check to finance government operations. The Act’s design is procedural and connective: declaring an emergency activates discrete, pre-existing statutory authorities tied to specific purposes, such as certain defense or trade measures, rather than giving the President a standalone appropriation to “open” government funding. Legal guides and watchdog analyses emphasize that the NEA’s role is to trigger powers that Congress previously authorized, not to supplant the appropriations process that constitutionally vests spending authority in Congress [1]. This structural point is key to understanding the limits of executive emergency action.

2. The Trump border emergency: diversion of military construction funding and the ensuing controversy

In 2019 the Administration declared a national emergency at the southern border and relied on authorities to divert military construction funds to build barriers, asserting that those funds were necessary for defense-related purposes. The Administration’s move illustrated how certain statutory hooks can be used to reallocate existing pools of money when an emergency is declared, but it also sparked litigation and congressional challenges that questioned the scope and legality of such diversions. Supporters argued the transfer was consistent with the available statutory powers; critics said it circumvented Congress’s appropriations prerogative and stretched defense-authority statutes beyond their intended purpose [2] [3]. This episode demonstrates that invocation of emergency powers can produce real funding shifts, but only within contested legal and political bounds.

3. Legal frame: what Congress can and cannot do after an emergency declaration

Congress retains multiple tools to check an emergency declaration and any funding moves stemming from it. The National Emergencies Act itself supplies expedited procedures for Congress to pass a joint resolution to terminate an emergency, and broader budget law — including constraints against impoundment — limits presidential discretion to refuse or reroute congressionally appropriated funds. Past reforms such as the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act were explicitly designed to prevent presidents from withholding funds appropriated by Congress, and courts have been called on to weigh these disputes. The balance of power therefore involves statutory triggers, congressional oversight and, if necessary, judicial review to determine whether particular fund uses fall within lawful emergency authorities [4] [5] [6].

4. Oversight and transparency concerns that recur in emergency spending debates

Analysts and watchdogs have repeatedly flagged transparency gaps and reporting shortfalls in how emergency expenditures are disclosed and justified. Experience with the COVID-19 and other declared emergencies showed tensions over whether the executive branch adequately reported emergency outlays and whether Congress had timely information to exercise its oversight role; the COVID emergency’s termination in 2023 underscored congressional leverage but also revealed difficulties tracing emergency spending across agencies. Those issues matter because they affect Congress’s ability to police improper reprogramming or conversion of funds and to evaluate whether emergency authorities are being used for their stated purposes [7] [1].

5. The bottom line: pathways, limits, and political dynamics

A president can use emergency declarations to access particular statutory authorities and, in narrow circumstances, to reallocate certain existing funds when statutes permit — but the president cannot unilaterally create new appropriations or broadly “open” government funding apart from Congress. Any attempt to treat an emergency declaration as a substitute for the appropriations process invites legal challenges, congressional terminations or restrictions, and public scrutiny. The factual record shows both administrations’ willingness to stretch statutory authorities and Congress’s institutional tools to push back; resolving disputes depends on statutory text, judicial interpretation, and the political balance between the branches [1] [3] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
What powers does the National Emergencies Act grant the U.S. president in 1976 and later amendments?
Can a president legally redirect or open government funding using an emergency declaration?
How has the National Emergencies Act been used to access funds in recent cases like 2019–2020 border wall funding?
What limits do Congress and the courts place on presidential emergency funding actions?
Which statutes or appropriations riders constrain emergency reallocation of federal funds?