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What are the core features of fascism used by scholars (1920s–present)?
Executive summary
Scholars from the 1920s to today treat “fascism” as a contested category but repeatedly identify a core cluster of traits: extreme nationalism and authoritarianism; anti‑liberal and anti‑communist politics; mass mobilization under a cultic leader; militarism and violence; and state‑directed economic and social control (examples summarized from Britannica, Wikipedia, Stanley Payne and others) [1][2][3]. Major summarized lists—Umberto Eco’s popular essay and Lawrence Britt’s checklist—are widely cited as shorthand but themselves are debated by historians who stress context and variation between regimes [4][5].
1. A contested concept, not a single theory
Scholars emphasize that fascism resists a single neat definition: some treat it as a movement, others as an ideology or a syndrome of “mobilizing passions,” and many stress that what unified historical fascisms was practice and self‑presentation more than a consistent doctrine (Robert Paxton’s “mobilizing passions” is noted in surveys; encyclopedias and textbooks highlight the definitional disputes) [6][1][2].
2. Nationalism and palingenesis: the myth of rebirth
A persistent thread across scholarly work is that fascism centers on militant, exclusionary nationalism and often a mythic call for national rebirth (palingenesis). Writers who synthesize fascist features emphasize “powerful and continuing nationalism” and the desire to remake the nation as a core element (summaries of Britt/Eco and encyclopedic treatments highlight this trait) [7][4][8].
3. Authoritarianism, elites, and contempt for liberal democracy
Encyclopedic treatments and many historians identify fascism as an authoritarian or totalitarian form of government that rejects parliamentary liberalism, promotes rule by an elite or a single leader, and displays contempt for individual rights—though scholars caution that not every authoritarian regime is fascist (Britannica and Wikipedia summaries underline both the overlap with and the limits of labeling) [1][2].
4. Leader cult, mass mobilization and paramilitaries
A common empirical marker is the centrality of a charismatic, often “infallible” leader and the use of party‑based mass mobilization and paramilitary organizations to break political opposition and manufacture consent; educational and classroom syntheses list the leader cult and organized mass violence as characteristic features (teaching materials and characteristic lists stress the leader/populist cult and militant groups) [9][7].
5. Violence, militarism, and anti‑pluralism
Scholars point to routinized political violence, glorification of war and militarism, and systematic suppression of rivals (leftists, liberal opponents, ethnic minorities) as central practices that distinguish fascist movements in power from many other authoritarian governments (Britannica, New World Encyclopedia, teaching resources all emphasize violence and militarism) [1][3][9].
6. Anti‑communism and anti‑liberal ideology (plus ambivalent relationship to capitalism)
Fascists historically defined themselves against both liberal democracy and Marxism; most accounts highlight furious anti‑communism and rejection of classical liberal individualism. On economics, scholars note variation—some fascists accommodated capital and elites, others pushed corporatist or state‑integrated economic structures—so economic policy is diagnostic but not uniform (Britannica, New World Encyclopedia and Wikipedia note the anti‑left stance and contested economic patterns) [1][3][2].
7. Lists and typologies versus minimal cores
Popular lists (Umberto Eco’s 14 “ways” and Lawrence Britt’s 14 characteristics) are widely circulated as teaching tools and checklists for identifying fascist traits, but scholars debate their usefulness: lists capture recurring features but can overgeneralize and blur distinctions with other forms of totalitarian or authoritarian rule (Malmer’s commentary and critiques note that lists are influential yet contested) [4][10][5].
8. Scholarly disagreement and analytic caution
Leading historians and theorists—while agreeing on a cluster of traits—warn against mechanical labeling: many stress context, national variation, and historical contingency, and caution that authoritarianism, nationalism, or repression on their own do not equal fascism (Britannica and Wikipedia both record this methodological caution) [1][2].
Conclusion: For readers seeking a working checklist, secondary sources and classroom summaries converge on a “family resemblance” model—authoritarian ultra‑nationalism, leader cult and mass mobilization, violence and militarism, anti‑pluralism and anti‑left politics, and some form of state‑directed social/economic control—but scholars insist on close historical and comparative work rather than relying solely on neat lists [1][7][3].