How many countries did Biden bomb and why
Executive summary
The public record and independent trackers show the Biden administration conducted airstrikes in at least four countries during his first term and beyond, with major, well‑reported strikes in Syria, Iraq and Yemen and additional counterterrorism operations elsewhere—though exact country counts vary by methodology and secrecy of operations [1] [2] [3]. The administration frames these strikes as counterterrorism or self‑defense responses to attacks on U.S. forces and to protect shipping and partners, while critics argue they risk escalation and bypass Congress [2] [3] [4] [5].
1. What the independent trackers count: “at least four” countries
Researchers at Brown University’s Costs of War project documented U.S. counterterrorism operations between 2021–2023 that included ground combat in at least nine countries and air strikes in at least four countries under the Biden administration, underscoring that publicly acknowledged strikes are only a subset of a broader, sometimes secretive footprint [1].
2. Syria and Iraq: the most visible targets and the stated rationale
The administration carried out strikes in Syria and Iraq against Iran‑linked militias and groups after attacks on U.S. personnel and facilities; Pentagon messaging framed those strikes as responses in self‑defense to rocket and drone attacks that threatened U.S. forces, a rationale reiterated in internal 48‑hour reports to Congress [2] [6] [4]. These strikes prompted debate over strategic effectiveness and legality, with advocates arguing deterrence of attacks and critics warning of escalation and questioning congressional authorization [6] [5].
3. Yemen: strikes to protect shipping and counter Houthi attacks
In January 2024 the U.S., coordinating with the U.K., struck Houthi targets in Yemen after Houthi attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea; the White House said the action aimed to protect American personnel and commerce, but congressional reactions were mixed and commentators raised concerns about escalation and effectiveness [3] [7]. Reporting also documents the back‑and‑forth of U.S. policy toward the Houthis — including removals and reinstatements of designations — illustrating political and humanitarian tradeoffs behind force decisions [3].
4. Other theaters, secrecy and definitional limits
Multiple outlets and analysts warn that public counts understate activity because the U.S. classifies many missions, and because “bombing” can mean everything from guided strikes to special‑operations raids or partner‑led campaigns; Progressive and Costs of War pieces both emphasize gaps left by discontinued public Airpower Summaries and opaque reporting practices that hide the scale and locations of strikes [8] [1]. Thus, depending on whether one counts exclusively large, acknowledged air campaigns or includes clandestine strikes and partner operations, the numerical answer shifts.
5. Why Biden’s administration used strikes: stated reasons and strategic logic
Across episodes the administration’s justifications coalesce around three themes: immediate self‑defense of U.S. forces after attacks, protection of international commerce and allies (notably in the Red Sea), and counterterrorism pressure against groups judged to threaten U.S. interests; think tanks and analysts add that strategic calculations—deterrence, alliance signaling, and limiting Iranian‑backed proxies—shape decisions as much as law enforcement or humanitarian logic [2] [3] [9].
6. The critics and the legal/political dispute
Critics ranging from antiwar activists to members of Congress argue strikes are either unlawful or strategically counterproductive, accuse the administration of adopting an expansive Article II self‑defense rationale that sidelines Congress, and warn that episodic strikes risk dragging the U.S. into wider regional wars—an argument made across advocacy outlets and legal reviews [5] [10] [4]. Supporters counter that limited strikes are necessary to protect personnel and commerce and to hold proxies accountable, a view reflected in White House and Pentagon statements and in some congressional support for specific actions [2] [7].
Conclusion: a measured numeric answer and its caveats
A concise, defensible answer from the sources is that the Biden administration conducted air strikes in at least four countries (with prominent, well‑documented actions in Syria, Iraq and Yemen), and used force primarily for counterterrorism, self‑defense of U.S. forces, and protecting shipping and partners—while acknowledging that secrecy, differing definitions, and continuing operations mean any numeric total is contingent on methodology and available public reporting [1] [2] [3].