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What demographic groups view Donald Trump as more or less likable than other modern presidents?
Executive summary
Polling and post‑election analyses show Donald Trump’s likability and approval vary sharply by age, race/ethnicity, education and partisan ID: young adults, Hispanic and Black voters and college‑educated groups have moved away from him in 2025 polling and trackers, while older cohorts and many Republicans remain more favorable (examples: net approval dives among under‑30s and drops among baby boomers) [1] [2] [3]. Available sources do not mention every possible subgroup (e.g., specific urban/rural splits beyond what’s summarized) and coverage focuses on approval and favorability rather than an all‑time “most/least likable” ranking versus every modern president (not found in current reporting).
1. Age wars: young people flipped negative, older voters remain relatively friendlier
Multiple trackers and polls document a dramatic fall in Trump’s standing among younger Americans: The Economist/YouGov tracker shows the biggest shift away has been among those under 30, with net approval collapsing from slightly positive to deeply negative [1]. Separate reporting notes declines in Trump’s support among baby boomers — a cohort that was decisive in 2024 — with a YouGov/Economist poll finding approval among boomers down and Reuters/YouGov‑style coverage reporting historic shifts [2] [3]. These accounts present competing emphases — some outlets highlight the scale of youth defections while others stress waning support in older groups — but all document substantial age‑based divergence [1] [2].
2. Race and ethnicity: Hispanic and Black attitudes trended worse in 2025 reporting
Polling aggregates and interactive breakdowns show Trump’s ratings among Hispanic and Black Americans moved further into negative territory after his return to office. The Economist tracker explicitly notes that ratings among Hispanic and Black Americans, which began negative, have plummeted [1]. Coverage of demographic shifts that helped him win also records that specific Hispanic subgroups and some younger Black voters swung in 2024, complicating a simple narrative of monolithic blocs but underlining volatility across ethnic groups [4] [5]. Taken together, the sources show Trump’s likability is lower among many non‑white groups in 2025 polling [1] [4].
3. Education and income: mixed signals, with college‑educated voters and lower‑income subgroups notable
Northeastern University’s interactive analyses and AP/NORC reporting used in coverage show education and income cohorts mattered in 2024 and continued to shape views into 2025: Hispanic males with a high school education or less shifted toward Trump in 2024, illustrating pockets of working‑class movement [4]. At the same time, broader trackers and polls point to falling favorability among college‑educated voters in some samples, although the sources emphasize variation by subgroup and region rather than a single uniform pattern [1] [6]. Available sources do not present a unified national map of every education/income niche (not found in current reporting).
4. Partisan polarization: Republicans strongly favorable, Democrats intensely unfavorable
All the sources underscore extreme polarization: many polls show Republicans still largely approve while Democrats overwhelmingly disapprove, producing high intensity on both sides [6] [7]. YouGov/Economist materials highlight that “strong feelings” dominate — 70% of Americans say they either strongly approve or disapprove — which magnifies how likability is sorted by party affiliation [7]. This polarization complicates comparisons to other modern presidents, because Trump’s support is both concentrated and fervent [7] [6].
5. Temporal shifts and drivers: events matter and can reshape likability quickly
Recent Reuters/Ipsos and other polls link drops in approval to contemporaneous issues — inflation/cost of living and controversies such as the Epstein files — showing how specific events depress likability across demographics [3]. Nate Silver’s and NYT trackers place current declines in historical context, noting presidents typically lose ground in second terms but that Trump’s swings are unusually large compared with recent peers [8] [9]. These sources imply demography interacts with events: scandals and economic pressures move cross‑cutting groups in different directions [3] [8].
6. Limitations, competing interpretations and what reporting does not say
The reporting cited offers repeated party, age and racial cross‑tabs but differs on magnitude by pollster; Nate Silver warns of house effects and sampling variation, meaning some shifts may look bigger or smaller depending on method [8]. The sources do not produce a single, authoritative ranking of how likable Trump is relative to every modern president by each demographic — that comparison is not in current reporting (not found in current reporting). Where sources disagree, it is mainly about scale (how big the shift is) rather than direction (which groups are more or less favorable) [8] [1].
Bottom line: available reporting consistently finds Trump far more polarizing than typical recent presidents — with under‑30s, many non‑white groups and some college‑educated cohorts moving sharply negative, while older and Republican voters remain his core supporters — but poll differences and incomplete subgroup breakdowns mean exact magnitudes vary by survey and methodology [1] [2] [3].