What documents have been produced in subpoenas linking Rudy Giuliani’s companies to Tunnel to Towers?
This fact-check may be outdated. Consider refreshing it to get the most current information.
Executive summary
Creditors in Rudy Giuliani’s Chapter 11 case have served or announced subpoenas seeking internal records tying Giuliani’s companies — chiefly Giuliani Communications — to the Stephen Siller Tunnel to Towers Foundation; the subpoenas, as described in court filings and reporting, seek broad categories of documents and communications about contracts, sponsorships and payments rather than narrowly targeted single invoices [1] [2] [3]. Reporting to date describes the scope of requests and some disclosed payment amounts discussed by counsel, but does not show a public inventory of specific documents produced in response to those subpoenas [3] [4].
1. What the subpoenas ask for — broad contract and communications files
The subpoena language made public by creditors’ counsel demands "all Documents and Communications concerning any actual, contemplated or proposed contracts or agreements" between Tunnel to Towers and Giuliani or any related entity, and expressly includes records relating to appearances, sponsorships, advertisements, and support of Giuliani’s media productions such as Uncovering the Truth, The Rudy Giuliani Show, and America’s Mayor Live [2] [3]. Multiple outlets reproducing or summarizing the filings emphasize that the requests are intentionally wide — covering oral or written arrangements, formal or informal — to uncover whether the charity functioned as a sponsor or ongoing revenue source for Giuliani’s broadcasts [2] [3].
2. Financial figures cited in filings and reporting — monthly payments and aggregate estimates
Reporting referenced in the filings and in subsequent coverage states that Giuliani Communications received roughly $16,000–$16,300 per month from Tunnel to Towers for Giuliani’s livestream/podcast work, a figure disclosed by Giuliani’s lawyer in court correspondence and summarized by Bloomberg and other outlets [3] [4]. Some local and later reports and public commentary have extrapolated that amount to roughly $200,000 annually, but the public record reproduced in the referenced pieces ties the immediate number to monthly payments disclosed in filings or counsel letters rather than to a court-certified ledger [3] [4] [5].
3. Who subpoenaed what — the unsecured creditors’ committee and its goals
The subpoenas were driven by the Official Committee of Unsecured Creditors in Giuliani’s bankruptcy, which is pursuing documents to locate assets and payment streams that could be used to satisfy large defamation judgments and other claims against Giuliani; the committee has filed many similar requests to associates, family members and entities connected to Giuliani as part of a broader asset-search strategy [1] [6]. Law&Crime and BloombergLaw reported that the Tunnel to Towers subpoena followed a string of prior subpoenas seeking records tied to other sponsors, media partners and Giuliani-related businesses, signaling a systematic inquiry rather than a one-off inquiry into the charity alone [1] [6].
4. What has been produced publicly — limited disclosure so far
Public reporting reproduces the subpoena requests and statements from counsel and the charity, but does not document a published set of produced documents from Tunnel to Towers or Giuliani’s companies; coverage frames the filings as requests “set to drop” or “moved for” in court and notes letters disclosing payment amounts, but reporters have not published certified production logs or redacted documentary evidence turned over under subpoena in the cited pieces [1] [2] [3]. Tunnel to Towers has acknowledged advertising on Giuliani’s programs and confirmed payments in statements to some outlets, but that confirmation is not the same as a court-filed production list showing itemized invoices or correspondence produced under subpoena [4] [3].
5. Competing narratives and limits of current reporting
Creditors portray the records requests as necessary to identify funds that should be available to satisfy creditors; Giuliani’s camp has acknowledged that his media company received money attributed “mainly” to the charity for advertising and production support, framing the payments as legitimate sponsorship rather than concealed transfers [3] [4]. Reporting to date comes from summaries of filings and counsel letters — available in the public record via court filings and press reports — but these sources do not yet show the underlying emails, contracts, bank statements or the results of any subpoena compliance, so definitive claims about what specific documents exist or have been produced remain beyond what the cited coverage provides [1] [2] [3].