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How does DSA approach solidarity with socialist movements in Cuba and Venezuela?
Executive summary
DSA frames its solidarity with Cuba and Venezuela primarily as opposition to U.S. intervention and sanctions, organizing campaigns to end the U.S. blockade of Cuba and to stop sanctions or other interventions in Venezuela (e.g., calling to reverse sanctions and defend self-determination) [1][2][3]. In practice this has included formal statements, coalition work (National Network on Cuba), chapter-level organizing, delegations and material aid deliveries, and public education and lobbying campaigns [4][5][6].
1. Public posture: oppose sanctions, defend sovereignty
DSA’s official statements consistently emphasize opposing U.S. sanctions and intervention while asserting solidarity with “the people” of Cuba and Venezuela and their right to self-determination; the organization “categorically opposes the U.S. economic blockade” of Cuba and calls for an end to sanctions and U.S. interference in Venezuela [1][2][3]. Those positions are anchored in DSA conventions and political resolutions—DSA links its Cuba stance to a 2019 Convention resolution and frames Venezuela policy in its broader political platform [1][2].
2. Coalition-building and formal affiliations
DSA pursues solidarity partly by working in coalitions: it seeks membership and active cooperation with the National Network on Cuba (NNOC) and promotes coordinated national statements and pressure campaigns aimed at Congress and the U.S. executive branch [1][5]. The organization’s International Committee and Americas Subcommittee provide an institutional channel for coordinating chapter actions and national campaigns [5][7].
3. Grassroots organizing and chapter-level commitments
DSA’s model mixes national campaigns with chapter-level tasks: chapters are asked to appoint liaisons, share resources, sign on to coordinated statements, and run local pressure or educational events to “dismantle key elements of the blockade” or to push for normalization and delisting Cuba from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list [5][8]. Local chapters have also issued their own solidarity statements urging an end to sanctions and invasions, reflecting decentralized activism inside DSA [9].
4. Direct engagement: delegations, exchanges, and aid
Beyond statements, DSA has sent delegations and hosted visiting activists as part of its solidarity work. The International Committee reports delegations to Cuba (including a 40-person delegation delivering “hundreds of pounds of solidarity aid” in October 2025) and has hosted Venezuelan feminist activists who toured U.S. cities to speak on the harms of sanctions [6][3]. Those exchanges are presented as both learning opportunities for members and public-facing campaigns to shift U.S. policy.
5. Campaign tactics: congressional lobbying and public pressure
DSA’s Cuba campaigns include specific legislative targets—opposing bills like the FORCE Act (H.R. 450), pushing for the United States-Cuba Trade Act, and urging removal of Cuba from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list—while mobilizing members to pressure Congress and the Biden administration [5][8]. For Venezuela, DSA calls for campaigns to reverse U.S. sanctions and to resist interventions, often framed as an anti-imperialist priority [2][3].
6. Narrative framing and internal critiques
DSA frames its solidarity as “engagement over isolation, cooperation over coercion,” portraying U.S. sanctions as punitive measures that harm civilians and obstruct diplomacy [5]. Some internal caucus commentary (e.g., Red Star Caucus) pushes a harder anti-imperialist line and critiques how delegations and education efforts are organized, urging sustained, prioritized anti-imperialist activity inside DSA [10]. That shows internal debate over emphasis and tactics even while the broad anti-sanctions stance is consistent [10].
7. Limits of available reporting and contested implications
Available sources document DSA’s statements, coalitions, delegations, and campaigns, but they do not provide comprehensive independent assessments of the on-the-ground impact of those actions, nor do they exhaustively catalog internal dissent or how DSA adjudicates criticisms about authoritarianism in partner countries—available sources do not mention a full accounting of those organizational debates beyond the cited critiques [6][10]. Readers should note the distinction between solidarity aimed at opposing U.S policy and any endorsement of specific governments; DSA’s materials emphasize opposing external coercion rather than offering unqualified endorsements, though some internal and allied voices frame solidarity in stronger anti-imperialist terms [1][5][10].
8. Bottom line — solidarity as policy and practice
DSA’s approach combines formal policy resolutions, coalition work (NNOC and others), chapter mobilization, delegations and activist exchanges, and targeted legislative campaigns to end blockades and sanctions and defend sovereignty for Cuba and Venezuela [1][5][3][6]. The organization presents these activities as both moral solidarity and pragmatic strategy to shift U.S. policy; the robustness and consequences of those efforts remain matters for further independent reporting beyond the materials cited here [6][10].