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Examples of alleged Trump derangement syndrome in politics

Checked on November 19, 2025
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Executive summary

The phrase “Trump Derangement Syndrome” (TDS) is a long-standing partisan epithet used mainly to discredit critics of Donald Trump; it has appeared in political rhetoric, proposed legislation, and commentary, and some therapists and opinion writers describe what they call TDS in clinical terms while professional mental‑health groups do not recognize it as an official diagnosis [1] [2]. In 2025, Minnesota Republicans proposed a law to classify TDS as a mental illness and Rep. Warren Davidson introduced federal research legislation invoking the term, while several commentators and individual clinicians claimed high prevalence of “TDS” among patients [2] [3] [4].

1. Origins and what the phrase means in practice

“Trump Derangement Syndrome” began as a political insult in the same family as earlier labels like “Bush derangement syndrome” and is used to imply critics are irrationally obsessed with or hostile to Trump rather than offering reasoned disagreement; commentators and therapists who write about the term note it is a derogatory, non‑clinical label rather than an accepted psychiatric diagnosis [1] [5].

2. Legislative and congressional attention: turning an insult into policy

In 2025 Minnesota Republican lawmakers introduced bill SF 2589 that attempted to add “Trump derangement syndrome” to the state’s definition of mental illness, defining it as “the acute onset of paranoia” in reaction to Trump and listing symptoms from intense verbal hostility to potential violence; the move drew broad attention and criticism that it politicizes medical language [2] [6]. At the federal level Representative Warren Davidson introduced the “TDS Research Act of 2025,” calling for NIH study and annual reports and framing TDS as a social problem linked to unrest—language that allies said justified research, while opponents said weaponizing diagnosis risks stigmatizing dissent [3].

3. Claims from clinicians and partisan outlets — who’s describing it as “real”?

A handful of individual clinicians and opinion columns have described patterns they label “TDS.” For example, psychotherapist Jonathan Alpert was widely quoted saying roughly 75% of his patients are “hyper fixated” on Trump and suffer emotional distress tied to him; that claim was amplified across conservative and partisan outlets [4] [7] [8]. Other clinicians published pieces or interviews laying out symptoms such as obsessive thoughts and physiological responses when seeing Trump‑related cues [9]. Independent therapy blogs and clinics caution that professional guidelines do not recognize TDS as an official diagnosis and characterize the phrase as politicized [1].

4. Media and opinion: two competing narratives

Conservative outlets and Republican lawmakers often use TDS to discredit critics and to argue that intense anti‑Trump sentiment fuels unrest [3] [10]. Center‑left and mainstream commentators, meanwhile, sometimes use the phrase satirically or to push back—arguing that the term is a rhetorical dodge to avoid engaging with documented controversies involving Trump; MSNBC opinion pieces and others argue that defenders’ use of “TDS” can serve as a blanket pardon for facts they prefer to ignore [11].

5. Limits of the evidence and professional consensus

Available reporting shows individuals and some legislators asserting TDS exists and urging study or legal definition, but professional psychiatric bodies and mainstream clinical guidelines are not cited in these sources as having adopted TDS as an accepted diagnosis; therapy blogs explicitly state it is non‑clinical and politicized [1]. That means claims of prevalence (for example the 75% figure cited by a clinician) come from individual practitioners and media amplification rather than peer‑reviewed epidemiology in the provided sources [4] [8].

6. Political implications and hidden agendas

The push to codify or research TDS has political consequences: Minnesota Republicans’ bill and the federal research act both frame dissent as pathology, a posture critics say can chill political speech and stigmatize opposition [2] [3]. Conversely, proponents frame such measures as responses to alleged violence and social unrest linked to extreme anti‑Trump behavior—an argument that aligns with a broader conservative agenda to delegitimize what they call pervasive bias against Trump [3].

7. What to watch next

Monitor whether any professional psychiatric associations weigh in or whether peer‑reviewed research is actually commissioned under the bills cited; current sources document legislative proposals and individual clinician claims but do not show consensus clinical validation [2] [3] [1]. Also watch media uptake: partisan outlets will continue to amplify both the claim that TDS is an epidemic and the counter‑argument that the label is a partisan cudgel [11] [10].

Limitations: reporting in the provided set documents political proposals, individual clinician commentary, and opinion pieces; it does not provide peer‑reviewed clinical studies validating “TDS” as a formal disorder nor statements from major psychiatric organizations endorsing the term [1] [4].

Want to dive deeper?
What specific behaviors are labeled as 'Trump derangement syndrome' and who first coined the term?
How has the term 'Trump derangement syndrome' been used by politicians and media across the political spectrum since 2016?
Are there documented cases where accusations of 'Trump derangement' mischaracterized legitimate criticism or policy disagreement?
How do psychologists and political scientists assess whether extreme reactions to political figures constitute a diagnosable phenomenon?
What impact has the 'Trump derangement syndrome' label had on public discourse, media polarization, and trust in institutions since 2016?