How can voter turnout be improved for future elections?
Executive summary
Boosting turnout requires a pragmatic portfolio: reduce registration friction, widen convenient voting options, invest in nonpartisan mobilization, and rebuild civic education—each step delivers incremental gains rather than a single silver‑bullet solution [1] [2] [3].
1. Remove administrative hurdles: make registration portable and immediate
Evidence shows that lowering registration barriers produces measurable uplifts: portable or automatic registration and same‑day registration raise participation by a few percentage points—Wendy Weiser and the Brennan Center estimate portable registration can boost turnout by more than two points, and states with same‑day registration have turnout roughly five points higher than those without it [1] [2]; therefore expanding these policies nationwide would be a straightforward, evidence‑based first step [2].
2. Expand convenience: early voting, vote‑by‑mail and sensible access improvements
Multiple analyses find that early in‑person voting and mail voting increase votes by making the act less costly in time and mobility: early voting adds measurable gains—Ohio research quantified small but positive effects per additional early voting day—and states that expanded mail voting in 2020 saw larger turnout rises than those that did not [2]; public‑health driven mail‑ballot flexibility in 2020 illustrated how practical options can lift participation, and public‑health adaptations point to durable policy lessons for access [3] [4].
3. Use proven mobilization tactics: reminders, canvassing and targeted outreach
Get‑out‑the‑vote work remains among the most reliable levers: randomized and program evaluations show nonpartisan reminder campaigns, door‑to‑door canvassing and personalized messages increase turnout in measurable ways, and modern campaigns that combine early‑voting nudges with voting plans can “bank” ballots ahead of Election Day [3] [5] [6]. Organizers and public agencies should scale voter reminder services and neighborhood canvasses while guarding against partisan messaging that can undermine trust or trigger legal constraints [3] [5].
4. Rebuild civic education and sense of impact, especially among young voters
Longer‑term demand for voting depends on perceived relevance: studies and practitioner sites emphasize civic education in schools and community programs as raising awareness and future turnout—students exposed to civics are more likely to know how and why to vote—and younger cohorts have shown declining participation since 2018, highlighting the need for targeted outreach (p1_s1; [10] snippet). Investments in explaining the stakes of local races matter because people vote when they see direct impact—Baltimore’s shift to on‑cycle local elections is a case in point, where turnout rose dramatically by connecting local offices to ordinary civic life [7].
5. Align calendars and incentives: on‑cycle elections, holidays and low‑cost motivators
Structural design choices shape turnout: moving local contests onto the same cycle as statewide or national elections increases participation—research shows on‑cycle local elections roughly double turnout compared with off‑cycle scheduling—and policymakers can consider Election Day holidays or paid leave to reduce work conflicts [7] [8]. Small, non‑coercive incentives and visibility tokens—“I Voted” campaigns, public recognition—also serve as nudges, though they are complements rather than substitutes for access reforms [9].
6. No single fix: pursue a measured, evidence‑driven mix and test interventions
The literature is explicit: there is no magic bullet—most reforms deliver incremental gains and their effects vary by context and population—so funders and officials should pilot, measure and scale what works locally [1]. Attention must be paid to tradeoffs and agendas: some vendors foreground online or remote voting as a silver solution [10], but independent evaluations and public‑interest groups emphasize the combination of registration reform, access, and mobilization as the reliably proven path [1] [2] [3]. Where claims exceed what the cited reporting documents, this account does not adjudicate technical security debates or the political feasibility of sweeping national reforms; those require separate, domain‑specific review beyond the cited sources.