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Fact check: . The Jewish vote in PA moved from Biden+43% to Harris+7%. true or false

Checked on October 19, 2025

Executive Summary

The claim that “The Jewish vote in PA moved from Biden+43% to Harris+7%” cannot be verified from the provided materials; none of the supplied sources contain specific polling or exit‑poll data about Jewish voting shifts in Pennsylvania supporting that numeric swing. The available documents address broader Jewish organizational elections, national exit‑poll summaries, demographic publications, and a campaign memoir, but no source here reports a Pennsylvania Jewish electorate shift from Biden +43 to Harris +7, so the statement must be treated as unverified based on the evidence supplied [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6].

1. What the claim actually asserts and why it matters — A dramatic shift or a misquote?

The claim presents a numeric, state‑level swing: Jewish support in Pennsylvania falling from a large pro‑Biden margin to a pro‑Harris margin of a different candidate, implying either a reporting error or a conflation of distinct polls or electorates. None of the provided materials include Pennsylvania‑specific Jewish voting tallies or a before‑and‑after comparison that would validate such a dramatic change, and therefore the allegation raises questions about whether the numbers reference different elections, different geographic units, or are simply misattributed [2] [5]. Without raw polling or exit‑poll tables for PA, the claim remains unsupported.

2. What the supplied sources actually cover — Gaps and emphases

The documents supplied focus on other topics: a World Zionist Congress election and US Jewish turnout; a national exit‑poll overview for the 2024 presidential contest; the American Jewish Year Book’s demographic and trend analyses; and a memoir by Kamala Harris discussing campaign episodes. None of these pieces present Pennsylvania‑level Jewish vote margins that correspond to “Biden+43” or “Harris+7,” so the evidentiary gap is explicit [1] [2] [3] [4] [5]. The materials are useful for context about Jewish political behavior broadly, but they cannot confirm the precise numeric claim about Pennsylvania.

3. How independent reporting would need to look to verify the claim — Missing data elements

To validate the statement one would need contemporaneous, state‑level exit‑poll or survey data segmented by religion that lists percentage support for each named candidate among Jewish respondents in Pennsylvania, ideally with sample sizes and dates. The supplied national exit‑poll summaries and demographic yearbooks do not supply these state‑segmented tables, so the fundamental missing elements are source tables, field dates, and methodological notes for Pennsylvania Jewish voters [2] [4]. Without those data elements, numerical swings of the magnitude claimed cannot be substantiated from the current file set.

4. Alternative explanations consistent with the supplied materials — Misattribution and different contests

Several plausible explanations fit the documents: the numbers might refer to different contests (national vs. state), different timeframes, or separate surveys with divergent question wording. The World Zionist Congress results and the American Jewish Year Book indicate high variability in Jewish political engagement and turnout across contexts, emphasizing that numbers can change by electorate and method [1] [4]. The Harris memoir and exit‑poll overview signal that campaign narratives and national exit data exist in these sources, but they do not validate the PA‑specific numeric swing claimed [3] [2].

5. Who might have an agenda and why to be cautious — Sources and potential motives

Claims about dramatic partisan shifts among a specific demographic in a swing state can be politically potent, and may be advanced to influence narratives about candidate appeal or community alignment. The supplied materials include organizational election reporting, academic yearbooks, and campaign memoirs — each can reflect institutional perspectives or selective emphasis. Given that none of these sources provide the PA Jewish vote figures cited, any disseminator of the claim should be scrutinized for potential motives such as boosting a candidate’s perceived gains or discrediting opponents, especially when state‑level polling is absent [1] [4] [3].

6. What a responsible next step would be — Verification checklist

Responsible verification requires obtaining the original dataset or report that produced the Biden+43 and Harris+7 figures, ideally from an exit poll, reputable statewide survey, or tabulated post‑election analysis that lists sample size, margin of error, and field dates. Cross‑checking against national exit‑poll breakdowns and the American Jewish Year Book’s demographic chapters would help contextualize any genuine shift. The supplied body of work does not fulfil these verification criteria, so the claim should remain categorized as unverified until such primary data are produced [2] [4].

7. Bottom line for readers and journalists — Treat numbers cautiously

The current evidence set does not support the precise numerical claim about Pennsylvania Jewish voting moving from Biden+43 to Harris+7, and therefore it should not be reported as fact without primary polling documentation. Given the absence of PA‑specific figures in the supplied references, journalists and readers should demand the original poll tables or cite trustworthy state‑level exit‑poll data before accepting or amplifying such a striking statistic [2] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
What were the voting patterns of Jewish Americans in the 2020 presidential election?
How did the Jewish vote in Pennsylvania impact the 2020 presidential election outcome?
What are the key issues that influence the Jewish vote in US elections?
How does the Jewish vote in Pennsylvania compare to other states with significant Jewish populations?
What role did Joe Biden and Kamala Harris play in campaigning for the Jewish vote in Pennsylvania?