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Fact check: What are the most gerrymandered democratic states in the US?
Executive Summary
Most recent reporting and trackers identify North Carolina, Maryland, and South Carolina among the most gerrymandered states, with recurring mentions of Texas, New York, Illinois, Wisconsin, Florida, Ohio, and Nevada as highly distorted as well. Coverage from August through October 2025 shows consensus that partisan mapmaking remains widespread, but analysts disagree about whether some Democratic-leaning states (notably California) are examples of extreme partisan gerrymanders or instances of more neutral, commission-driven maps [1] [2] [3].
1. What the headline sources say — a short reckoning with the “10 worst” list
The clearest claim across the files is the list labeled “The 10 Worst Gerrymandered States in the Country,” which names North Carolina, Maryland, South Carolina, Illinois, Texas, Wisconsin, New York, Florida, Ohio, and Nevada as the most egregious examples. That August 18, 2025 piece frames those states as exhibiting distorted maps, low competition, and outcomes that poorly reflect voter preferences [1]. Separate reporting and live trackers published on October 29, 2025 corroborate that Texas and North Carolina have had recent map designs widely characterized as partisan, and they add real-time detail about where Republican-controlled legislatures have drawn maps and where Democrats are seeking counter-draws [3]. These sources present a consistent top-line: several Southern and Rust Belt states show entrenched partisan advantages produced by map design.
2. Where the consensus frays — California and the complexity argument
Not every analyst accepts a simple partisan label for every state on lists of “worst” gerrymanders. The New York Times analysis from August 15, 2025 argues that California’s congressional map, despite a Democratic tilt, is not an example of an extreme partisan gerrymander because an independent commission drew maps that produced a relatively fair partisan makeup [2]. That nuance invites readers to separate commission-based, structural protections from legislatures that control redistricting outright. Other pieces and expert interviews stress that the institutional mechanism matters: states with independent commissions or robust judicial review produce maps that look different, even if partisan outcomes still arise from geography and voter distribution [4] [5].
3. The partisan arms race — real-time redraws and countermoves
Live trackers and October 29, 2025 reporting document a dynamic where Republicans in some states have moved quickly to lock in maps favorable to them, while Democrats have pursued legal challenges, state-level redraws, and ballot measures to blunt those moves [3]. Coverage emphasizes that this is not a one-sided activity: both parties engage in redistricting tactics when they control the process, and the current cycle shows an escalation—Republican-controlled states drawing maps, Democrats mounting counter-draws in places like California and Virginia, and high-stakes litigation already underway [3]. The pattern suggests that the designation of “most gerrymandered” can shift quickly as new maps are enacted or courts intervene.
4. Quantifying the problem — what measures and indicators do sources use?
The August and October reports use multiple indicators: partisan symmetry, wasted-vote efficiency gaps, lack of competitive districts, and discrepancies between statewide vote share and seats won to identify the worst offenders [1]. The 2024 retrospective on the House battle points out that gerrymandering produced structural advantages in some regions, while fair maps elsewhere kept outcomes closer—meaning the effect is context dependent and measurable in different ways [6]. Experts interviewed in September 2025 underscore that comparisons across states require consistent metrics and that geography (clustering of voters) can sometimes mimic gerrymander effects even without intentional packing or cracking [5].
5. Competing narratives and potential agendas to watch
Coverage shows clear political narratives: advocacy outlets and trackers label Republican-drawn maps as aggressive gerrymanders while highlighting Democratic counter-moves, and some analysts warn that Democrats too have incentives to use redistricting where they can [3] [1]. Reporting on California’s Proposition 50 exposes a distinct intra-party tactic—a Democratic effort to alter commission power temporarily to favor particular redraws—which critics argue could sideline independent maps and tilt outcomes [5]. Readers should note these agendas: live trackers aim to prod action, advocacy pieces spotlight harms, and academic commentators frame trade-offs between reform and partisan advantage.
6. Bottom line: which states look worst today and why it still matters
Based on the compiled reporting up to October 29, 2025, the strongest, consistent signal points to North Carolina, Maryland, and South Carolina as repeatedly named among the most gerrymandered, with Texas, Illinois, New York, Wisconsin, Florida, Ohio, and Nevada also cited frequently for severe partisan distortions [1] [3]. The caveat across analyses is that institutional design, judicial action, and geography shape whether a map is labeled a gerrymander; California illustrates how an independent commission can produce a Democratic-tilted outcome without meeting many definitions of extreme partisan engineering [2] [4]. The stakes remain high because map design determines House majorities and policy leverage, and the 2025 cycle shows continued strategic competition over how maps are drawn and defended [3] [6].