What specific contacts did George Papadopoulos, Paul Manafort and Michael Flynn have with Russian officials according to the Mueller report?

Checked on February 4, 2026
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Executive summary

George Papadopoulos, Paul Manafort and Michael Flynn each had discrete, documented contacts with people tied to Russia that the Mueller report cataloged: Papadopoulos repeatedly communicated with intermediaries who claimed Kremlin connections and tried to set up meetings between the Trump campaign and Russian officials [1] [2], Manafort had secret meetings and shared campaign polling with an associate tied to Russian intelligence and discussed a Ukraine “peace” plan that linked to Russian interests [3] [2], and Flynn had multiple conversations with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak during the transition in which he discussed sanctions and later lied about those calls [4] [5].

1. George Papadopoulos — the intermediary who says Russians had “dirt” and tried to arrange meetings

Papadopoulos met in London on April 26, 2016, with Joseph Mifsud, a professor he understood to have “substantial connections to Russian government officials,” and thereafter corresponded with Russian-linked intermediaries including Ivan Timofeev and a “female Russian national,” attempting to arrange meetings between the Campaign and Russian government representatives and even forwarding a Timofeev email titled “Request from Russia to meet Mr. Trump” to Paul Manafort [1] [2] [6]. His handwritten notes captured discussions with campaign officials about “potential September 2016 meetings in London with representatives of the ‘office of Putin’” and the Mueller-related record shows he exchanged emails and at least two Skype calls about logistics for a meeting [1] [2]. Papadopoulos later pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about the timing and substance of some of those contacts [2].

2. Paul Manafort — secret meetings and polling data shared with a Russia-linked associate

Manafort held at least one clandestine in-person meeting with Konstantin Kilimnik, an associate the U.S. alleges has ties to Russian intelligence, where they discussed a “peace” plan for Ukraine and other campaign-related matters; Manafort also shared internal Trump campaign polling data with Kilimnik during the campaign [3] [2]. The Mueller report documents a May–August 2016 timeframe in which Manafort forwarded Papadopoulos’s messages and in August 2016 met in New York with Kilimnik (and others) — meetings prosecutors tied to longstanding Manafort business relationships in Ukraine and to questions about whether that data or planning intersected with Russian objectives [7] [3]. Manafort has maintained he did not knowingly meet Russian intelligence officers, though the report highlights the contacts and the Kilimnik connection [8] [3].

3. Michael Flynn — conversations with Ambassador Kislyak, transition contacts and false statements

Flynn engaged in multiple calls and interactions with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak during the presidential transition and had prior public-facing contacts in Russia (speaking engagements); the Mueller report and ancillary court filings document that Flynn discussed U.S. sanctions with Kislyak and later lied to the Vice President and FBI about those conversations, which prompted his resignation as National Security Advisor and a guilty plea for making false statements [4] [5] [9]. Prosecutors’ filings revealed additional instances of communications Flynn later disclosed to Mueller’s team, and Mueller’s public account treats those Kislyak contacts as central to why Flynn was charged for false statements [9] [4].

4. What Mueller concluded about those contacts — links cataloged but no criminal conspiracy established

Mueller’s team documented “numerous links” and set out the substance of these contacts — offers to arrange meetings, sharing of polling and policy discussions, and attempts to liaise — but the Office concluded it did not have sufficient evidence to establish a criminal conspiracy or coordination between the Trump Campaign and the Russian government on election interference [10] [4]. The report still led to charges for related conduct: Papadopoulos pleaded guilty to false statements, Flynn pleaded guilty to false statements (later pardoned), and Manafort was convicted of separate financial crimes; Mueller highlighted that many participants lied or obstructed inquiries into their Russia-related contacts [11] [7].

5. Interpretations, disputes and the limits of the public record

Different outlets emphasize different strands: some stress Papadopoulos’s role as a nascent link to Kremlin intermediaries and evidence that Russians offered “dirt” [2] [1], others flag Manafort’s Kilimnik ties and data-sharing as suggestive of influence channels [3], while defenders note Mueller’s explicit finding that the evidence failed to show a prosecutable coordination campaign [10]. The primary source remains the redacted Mueller report and related court filings; reporting draws on that material but also on interviews and intelligence characterizations that are summarized in public reporting, and when a claim is not in those publicly released documents this summary does not assert it as fact [7] [6].

Want to dive deeper?
What do the Mueller report’s primary documents say about Konstantin Kilimnik’s ties to Russian intelligence?
What additional court filings and evidence detailed Michael Flynn’s calls with Sergey Kislyak beyond the Mueller report?
How did George Papadopoulos’s plea agreement and cooperation shape Mueller’s timeline of Russian contacts?