What percentage of illegal immgrants that trump deported are actuall criminals
Executive summary
Government tallies and independent reporting give very different answers to what share of people deported under President Trump’s mass-enforcement campaign were “criminals”: DHS and ICE public statements claim roughly 70–75% of arrests removed people with convictions or pending charges [1] [2] [3], while multiple independent outlets and analyses report that large swaths of those arrested or held lacked criminal charges or convictions — in some snapshots roughly half or more [4] [5], and other reporting has found much lower criminal rates in specific data sets [6] [7].
1. DHS’s public line: most of the deported were criminals
The Department of Homeland Security and ICE repeatedly framed the 2025–2026 enforcement surge as focused on “the worst of the worst,” publishing milestones that emphasize criminal removals — for example, DHS press releases asserting that 70%–75% of ICE arrests involved individuals charged with or convicted of crimes and reporting hundreds of thousands of deportations in 2025 [1] [2] [3].
2. Independent data and journalists: a far murkier picture
Independent reporting and nonpartisan trackers found a far more mixed reality: Axios reported that roughly half of people in ICE detention lacked a known pending criminal charge or conviction in December, undercutting the simple headline that the campaign was overwhelmingly criminal-focused [4], while CBS obtained DHS data showing just over half of detainees at a record-high population did not have criminal charges or convictions [5]. Reuters and other outlets similarly documented surges in arrests of people with no other criminal charges, and noted ICE was broadening its net beyond violent offenders [7].
3. Conflicting snapshots and different definitions explain much of the gap
Part of the disagreement stems from what’s being counted: DHS statements often measure “arrests” or tout removals tied to people with charges or convictions, whereas journalists and researchers look at detention inventories, ICE custody snapshots, or case-by-case investigations that track whether someone actually had a criminal conviction, serious violent charge, or merely an immigration violation — measures that yield very different percentages [2] [4] [5]. Academic and policy analyses note distinctions between CBP border removals, ICE interior arrests, and the percentage convicted of violent crimes versus any criminal offense, all of which shift the headline share of “criminals” in the enforcement totals [8].
4. Independent analyses find varying rates — from low single digits to around half
Different independent sources report a wide range: some internal summaries and press investigations flagged very low proportions of convicted criminals in certain custody datasets (a CNN-cited figure of less than 10% in ICE custody since October 2024 is summarized in secondary reporting) and Cato/Deportation Data Project analyses suggested the share with violent convictions dropped compared with prior periods [6]. Conversely, investigators such as TRAC and news outlets documented hundreds of thousands of arrests and removals that included many people with criminal histories, producing estimates that sometimes imply roughly half of those detained lacked criminal convictions — underscoring that no single percentage captures all contexts [9] [4].
5. Bottom line and reporting limits: no single, definitive percentage exists in the sources
The sources do not converge on a single, verifiable percentage for “what share of illegal immigrants that Trump deported are actually criminals”; DHS/ICE public claims state roughly 70–75% of arrests involved criminal charges or convictions [1] [2] [3], but contemporaneous independent reporting and leaked/internal data show many detentions and removals included people without pending criminal charges or convictions — in some datasets roughly half or more lacked such charges [4] [5], while other internal snapshots point to much lower convicted-criminal shares in some periods [6]. The most honest conclusion supported by the reporting is that estimates vary widely depending on the metric (arrests vs. removals vs. convictions vs. pending charges) and the source, and that independent coverage raises serious questions about DHS’s public framing that most deportations targeted only criminals [4] [7] [6].