What percentage of registered voters did not cast a ballot in the 2024 election?

Checked on January 29, 2026
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Executive summary

Two credible but different measures yield very different answers: using Census Bureau voting and registration tables, about 11.3% of registered voters did not cast a ballot in 2024 (calculated from 73.6% of the voting‑age population registered and 65.3% of that population voting) [1], while survey data from the PRRI postelection poll finds that 41% of self‑identified registered voters reported not voting in the presidential election [2]. Both figures are factually grounded but measure different things and use different methodologies, so the “right” percentage depends on which dataset and definition is chosen.

1. The short answer: Census-based arithmetic produces ~11.3%

The Census Bureau reports 73.6% of the voting‑age population was registered and 65.3% voted in the 2024 presidential election (both figures are expressed as percentages of the voting‑age population in the CPS supplement) [1], which implies that the share of registered people who did not vote equals (73.6 − 65.3) / 73.6 ≈ 11.3% of registered voters [1]. Framed the other way, these CPS-based numbers imply roughly 88.7% of registered people cast a ballot [1].

2. A very different number from surveys: PRRI’s 41% non‑voters among registered people

The Partnership for Research on Voting in America (PRRI) postelection survey reports that 59% of registered voters said they voted while 41% reported they did not vote in the presidential election [2]. That 41% is a self‑reported rate from a survey of adults who identify as registered and thus reflects respondents’ declarations and PRRI’s sampling and weighting choices, not the Census CPS registration/voting benchmark [2].

3. Why the divergence is large: definitions, denominators and measurement error

Differences arise because the Census CPS figures are estimates tied to the voting‑age population denominator and derive registration and voting rates from a standardized supplement, while PRRI’s number is a direct survey of self‑identified registered voters; the CPS percentages (73.6% registered, 65.3% voted) are both given as shares of the voting‑age population, so converting them to a registered‑voter base requires arithmetic [1], whereas PRRI asks respondents about their registration and voting behavior and reports rates among those who say they are registered [2]. Survey nonresponse, social‑desirability bias (people misreport voting), and differences in how “registered” is validated or understood can all push the estimates apart [2] [1].

4. Corroborating context and alternative turnout measures

Other organizations use yet other denominators: the University of Florida Election Lab and Ballotpedia focus on Voting‑Eligible Population (VEP) turnout and ballots counted, producing turnout estimates near but not identical to Census figures, and USAFacts highlights the Census 65.3% voting share as “third‑highest since 1980” while noting the Census rates are of the population, not registered voters [3] [4] [5]. Analysts such as Pew and Election Lab emphasize validated‑voter studies and ballots‑counted numerators, underscoring that small definitional shifts (VAP vs. VEP vs. registered) materially change the percentages reported and their political interpretation [3] [6] [7].

5. What to conclude about “the” percentage

If the question is strictly “what percentage of registered voters did not cast a ballot” and a single authoritative administrative match between registration rolls and ballots is desired, the CPS‑based conversion gives roughly 11.3% non‑voters among registered people using Census published percentages [1]. If the question prioritizes respondents’ own reports about whether they voted this cycle, the PRRI survey indicates a far larger 41% non‑voting rate among those who said they were registered [2]. Both are defensible answers; the discrepancy reflects differing methods, sampling frames and definitions rather than a simple error.

6. Limits and what to watch for next

Available sources do not provide a single, nationally reconciled administrative tally of registered‑to‑ballot conversion that would eliminate methodological gaps; researchers continue to triangulate Census CPS, VEP/ballots‑counted series from Election Lab, and postelection surveys to understand turnout patterns, and readers should treat the 11.3% (CPS arithmetic) and 41% (PRRI self‑report) as complementary, method‑dependent estimates rather than mutually exclusive facts [1] [2] [3].

Want to dive deeper?
How do the Census CPS, VEP and Election Lab turnout measures differ and which is best for comparing elections?
What demographic groups accounted for most of the drop in turnout between 2020 and 2024?
How do survey self‑reports of voting compare with official vote‑match validation studies?