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Fact check: Has any president used emergency powers to fund the government before 2020?

Checked on November 3, 2025
Searched for:
"president emergency powers fund government history"
"federal government funding emergency powers presidents before 2020"
"use of emergency declarations to allocate funds U.S. presidents"
Found 5 sources

Executive Summary

Two interlocking facts emerge from the provided sources: presidents have declared many national emergencies since the National Emergencies Act of 1976, but the available material contains no documented instance before 2020 of a president using emergency declarations specifically to fund ordinary government operations; the most prominent, contested use of emergency authority to redirect funds was President Trump’s 2019 invocation of 10 U.S.C. 2808 to help finance a border wall [1] [2]. The literature emphasizes that emergency declarations unlock a broad set of statutory powers while also inviting legal challenges and political controversy over the proper scope of funding that can flow from those powers [3] [2].

1. A history of emergency declarations — many, but not typically for routine funding fights

The public record assembled by lists of national emergencies shows a long practice of executive emergency declarations across administrations, with sources counting roughly ninety emergencies since the late 1970s and dozens active at any one time, demonstrating that presidents routinely use the National Emergencies Act to access special statutory authorities in crises [1]. Those declarations frequently target sanctions, trade, and foreign policy levers rather than domestic appropriations questions. The compiled lists and narratives in the dataset do not identify precedent where a president used an emergency declaration to bypass Congress and fund ordinary, recurring government operations prior to 2020. This absence in the compiled sources suggests that employing emergency law as a mechanism to reallocate or create funding for routine domestic programs was not a recognized or common presidential practice before the 2019-2020 controversy [1].

2. The Brennan Center mapping — emergency powers are broad and can touch funding

Analysts at organizations such as the Brennan Center catalog a wide array of statutory authorities that become available during national emergencies, estimating roughly 150 statutory powers that can be triggered and flagging specific provisions—like 10 U.S.C. 2808—that can be used to obligate defense funds for construction projects [2]. That taxonomy underlines why the potential for redirecting money exists in the statutory architecture, even if it had seldom been exercised historically to fund standard government operations. The Brennan Center’s work frames the 2019 border-wall action as an application of one of those available statutory powers, illustrating how the technical statutory landscape allows funding-related action under emergency declarations while also highlighting the policy and legal frictions that such uses provoke [2].

3. The 2019 border-wall declaration — a prominent test case, not a repeat of prior practice

The 2019 national emergency declared for the southern border became a high-profile instance where the administration pointed to a statute to transfer or reallocate funds toward construction, sparking litigation and political fallout. The supplied sources identify this as an unprecedentedly visible use of emergency authority to pursue a major domestic building project and as a departure from the more common emergency uses for sanctions or foreign-policy tools [2] [1]. While the sources do not explicitly catalog every legal maneuver presidents undertook across decades, they consistently frame the 2019 action as notable and controversial, implying that if prior administrations had routinely used emergencies to fund government operations, that practice would be more prominently documented in these overviews [2] [1].

4. Courts, Congress, and the politics of funding through emergencies — a strained separation of powers

Scholars and institutional analyses emphasize that using national-emergency powers to secure funding invites judicial review and political conflict, because it sits at the intersection of executive emergency authority and Congress’s power of the purse. The provided material notes that increasing use of emergency declarations has been “likely to be further tested in the courts” and signals a trend toward more frequent reliance on emergencies for executive action, thereby magnifying constitutional tensions [3]. The sources point toward a structural accountability question: even where statutory mechanisms permit funding shifts during emergencies, those shifts can be contested as an end-run around appropriations law and representative oversight [3] [2].

5. Bottom line from the assembled evidence — no clear pre-2020 precedent in these sources

Across the collected analyses and lists, the clearest evidentiary claim is that while presidents have declared many national emergencies and those declarations can unlock funding-related authorities, the documented, highly contested use of emergency powers to redirect funds for a domestic government project emerges distinctly in 2019 and is treated in the sources as a striking example rather than a routine, historical practice [1] [3] [2]. The records and expert mappings supplied do not identify an earlier, comparable instance where an emergency declaration was employed to fund general government operations in the same way, making the 2019 episode the salient antecedent in the available material [1] [2].

Want to dive deeper?
Which U.S. presidents used emergency declarations to redirect funds before 2020?
What statutory authorities allow a president to fund government operations without Congress?
Did President Franklin D. Roosevelt use emergency powers to finance programs in the 1930s?
How did presidents use the National Emergencies Act of 1976 to obtain funding before 2020?
Have courts limited presidential funding actions taken under emergency powers prior to 2020?