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Public opinion polls on whether Trump was the best president
Executive summary
Public-opinion polling in late 2025 shows Donald Trump’s job approval running roughly in the 37–45% range depending on the poll and timing, with major trackers and outlets reporting mid‑40s peaks earlier in his second term and declines into the high‑30s or low‑40s by November 2025 (e.g., CNN/SSRS 37%, Reuters/Ipsos ~40–41%, Emerson 41–45%) [1] [2] [3] [4]. Polling averages and aggregators (New York Times, Nate Silver, RealClear, Morning Consult, The Economist) underscore variation across pollsters, geographies and demographic groups, so claims that he is “the best” president are not supported by consensus approval metrics in these sources [5] [6] [1].
1. What the numbers actually show: steady disagreement, not consensus
Major media and polling organizations show Trump’s approval has fluctuated—starting higher early in the second term (as high as about 52% in some aggregations) and drifting down to the high‑30s or low‑40s by November 2025—meaning a substantial share of Americans disapprove of his job performance (examples include a 37% CNN/SSRS low, Reuters/Ipsos and Gallup around 40–41%, and Emerson reporting 41–45% in different releases) [1] [2] [7] [3] [4]. Aggregators such as Nate Silver’s Silver Bulletin and New York Times averages document the dispersion across polls and show approval has varied over time rather than settled at a dominant high value [5] [1].
2. “Best president” is a different question than “approval rating”
None of the provided polling items directly ask whether Trump is the “best president” in U.S. history; the sources focus on job approval, issue handling, and favorability, not historical ranking. Available sources do not mention national polls that explicitly ask voters to rank presidents and declare Trump the best (not found in current reporting) [5] [1] [8].
3. Issues and timing drive approval swings
Coverage links shifts in approval to contemporaneous events and issues: midterm and local election results, the government shutdown, handling of foreign conflicts and immigration, and messaging that affects specific demographics. Outlets report that battles over issues like the Israel‑Hamas war, Russia‑Ukraine policy, and domestic affordability contributed to public shifts, and that Democrats’ electoral energy in some races correlated with lower approval for Trump in state contexts [4] [6] [9].
4. Polling differences matter: methodology, sample and timing
Polls differ in sample (registered vs. likely vs. all adults), timing and question wording; aggregators note that those choices produce systematic differences and that single polls can mislead without context [5]. For example, Emerson’s national polls show 41–45% depending on the release, Reuters/Ipsos repeatedly finds about 40–41%, while CNN/SSRS registered a 37% low; Morning Consult and The Economist trackers similarly display state and demographic variance [3] [2] [1] [9] [8].
5. Demographics and geography: where approval is clustered
Trackers report higher approval among white and male voters and lower approval among younger and minority voters; state‑level trackers show Trump underwater in many swing states while maintaining positive net approval in others—illustrating that “best president” claims would be highly contingent on which constituencies are sampled [8] [10] [9].
6. Political messaging and competing narratives
News coverage highlights two competing frames: Trump and allies claim historically high or “best ever” polling at times, while journalists and poll analysts point to higher early‑term peaks followed by decline and to averages that show him below many recent presidents’ typical standings [11] [5]. Forbes and other outlets fact‑check claims about “best polling numbers,” showing that claims of unprecedented highs ignore earlier peaks in his second term captured by aggregators [11].
7. What to watch next and why it matters
Future shifts will depend on unfolding events (policy outcomes, economic indicators, legal and political developments) and subsequent state‑level elections; poll averages will continue to be more reliable than single surveys for assessing durable attitudes [5] [1]. Observers should treat historical‑ranking claims as normative political statements rather than empirical conclusions unless a reputable survey question specifically asks voters to evaluate presidents across history (not found in current reporting) [5] [1].
Limitations: this analysis relies only on the supplied sources and therefore cannot incorporate polls or surveys beyond them; several sources report slightly different figures for the same periods, reflecting the methodological diversity of polling [5] [1].