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What are the key features of right-wing populism versus left-wing populism?
Executive Summary
Right-wing and left-wing populism share an anti-elite framework but diverge sharply on who counts as “the people,” what they identify as the enemy, and the solutions they propose; right-wing populism emphasizes ascriptive identity and exclusionary us‑versus‑them narratives, while left‑wing populism foregrounds socioeconomic redistribution and structural enemies [1] [2]. Recent empirical work through 2025 shows both convergent tactics—charismatic leaders, anti‑establishment rhetoric, and appeals to grievances—but important differences in democratic compatibility, coalition‑building, and pathways to authoritarianism [3] [1].
1. Why the “people” split matters: identity versus class as the defining fault line
Scholarly analyses converge on a central distinction: right‑wing populists define the people along ethnic, cultural, or national lines, portraying migrants, minorities, and cosmopolitan elites as existential threats, while left‑wing populists assemble the people around socioeconomic grievances and portray economic elites, corporations, or neoliberal institutions as the antagonists. Tracy Lightcap’s working paper (May 2024) models these movements on economic and identity cleavages, finding speech patterns consistent with Orbán and Trump on the identity axis and Chávez on the economic axis, underlining that differences are measurable in elite rhetoric [2]. This matters because the composition of “the people” shapes policy priorities and the permissibility of exclusionary measures, with right‑wing variants more likely to instrumentalize immigration controls and cultural protectionism, whereas left variants push for welfare expansion and redistribution.
2. Tactics and rhetoric: shared playbook, different targets
Populists on both sides use anti‑elite framing, moralizing language, and direct media engagement, but the targets and symbolic repertoires differ. Right‑wing populists often combine nativist narratives with skepticism toward scientific and mainstream media institutions to delegitimize counterarguments, producing what UC Berkeley researchers label authoritarian populism—a hybrid that melds fearmongering and scapegoating with institutional erosion [3]. Left‑wing populists mobilize a coalition of the “subaltern” and claim expertise in economic injustice, sometimes embracing institutional reforms to expand participation. Both styles can erode norms: left populists have in some cases centralized power under charismatic leaders (Venezuela cited as a cautionary example), while right populists more frequently pursue policies that exclude groups from political membership [1] [4].
3. Political consequences: democratic compatibilities and authoritarian risks
Analyses across 2022–2025 underscore that right‑wing populism poses immediate dangers to liberal pluralism because its exclusionary definition of the people clashes with democratic equality, while left‑wing populism’s challenge is more ambiguous—capable of advancing redistribution democratically but also prone to authoritarian consolidation in weak institutional settings. The 2025 study on authoritarian populism identifies contemporary examples where populist rhetoric is used to justify sweeping measures and institutional capture, illustrating how tactics cross ideological lines when leaders prioritize power retention [3]. Comparative research also points out that context matters: left populisms embedded in party institutions (e.g., Workers’ Party in Brazil historically) differ from outsider movements; the pathway to authoritarianism is mediated by institutional checks, civil society strength, and opposition resilience [1] [4].
4. Why some movements blur left/right labels: mixed grievances and strategic flexibility
Empirical work highlights that many real‑world movements do not fit neat left/right boxes: the Yellow Vest protests in France, analyzed in 2025, contained predominantly socioeconomic grievances often associated with left populism, even as observers initially labeled parts of the movement as right‑wing [5]. Scholars like Norris, Inglehart, and Laclau provide competing frameworks—one emphasizing nativism and authoritarian tendencies, another treating populism as a discursive strategy that can be deployed left or right—revealing theoretical limits when applied to mixed or context‑specific movements [6]. This flexibility allows populist actors to crosscut traditional cleavages, combine protectionist economic messages with cultural conservatism, or adopt inclusive identity frames to undercut exclusionary rivals.
5. What the evidence recommends to policymakers and observers
Recent studies through early 2025 converge on pragmatic counsels: addressing material insecurity and perceived cultural displacement reduces populist openings, but responses must differ by type of populism—welfare expansion and economic inclusion counter left‑oriented mobilization, while policies that combine social protection with inclusive identity narratives blunt right‑wing appeals [7] [8]. Researchers emphasize restoring institutional trust, reinforcing independent media norms, and offering positive narratives of shared fate as counterweights to polarizing populist frames. Analysts also warn that heavy‑handed repression or mere delegitimization often backfires; empirical attention should focus on strengthening democratic institutions so that populist grievances can be channeled electorally rather than through institutional capture [3] [8].