What was the voting turnout rate among Somali-American eligible voters in 2024?

1. What reporters actually measured: community anecdotes and precinct data

Local journalism and community reporting about Somali voters in 2024 focused on precinct‑level results and voter sentiment rather than a clean turnout rate for the whole Somali‑American electorate. The Star Tribune and MPR examined how Somali and East African neighborhoods in Minneapolis voted and documented weakening support for the Democratic ticket in certain precincts; those stories rely on precinct returns and interviews rather than a consolidated Somali turnout percentage ^{[2] [4]}.

2. Signs of high engagement — mainly in Minnesota, not nationwide

Multiple pieces note historically high engagement among Somali communities in Minnesota and intensive turnout‑focused organizing ahead of the 2024 election. VOA covered town halls and outreach efforts in Minneapolis that aimed to boost participation, indicating active mobilization but not producing a single turnout statistic for all Somali‑Americans ^[1]. Older reporting and community accounts cited prior cycles where local Somali turnout was unusually high, but those are context, not a 2024 national rate ^[5].

3. Conflicting claims and an unverified 75% number

Some outlets and syndicated items recycle a figure — that Somali communities or Somali‑heritage voters reached roughly 75% turnout — but that assertion in the search results appears in non‑local or secondary summaries without original data backing in the provided corpus. For example, a Times of India excerpt repeats a claim that turnout "reached 75 per cent in 2024" in Minnesota but does not link to primary turnout data here; the collection of supplied sources does not provide a verifiable methodology or official certification for a 75% Somali‑American turnout figure ^[6]. Treat that number as unverified given the available material.

4. Why a precise national Somali‑American turnout is hard to get

National surveys and official turnout reports (Census CPS tables, turnout databases) categorize voters by race and Hispanic origin but typically do not isolate smaller origin groups such as "Somali" across the entire country; the Census Voting and Registration tables can show turnout by race/nativity but the supplied CPS announcement does not list a Somali‑specific turnout figure ^[7]. Academic or specialized studies would be required to combine administrative records and self‑identified ancestry to produce a reliable national Somali‑American eligible‑voter turnout rate; such a study is not present in the provided search results (available sources do not mention a national Somali‑American turnout) ^[7].

5. What local reporting does say about trends and causes

Reporting from the Star Tribune, MPR and Sahan Journal makes clear community dynamics that influenced turnout and vote choice: anger over foreign policy (Israel‑Gaza), social‑conservative concerns (LGBTQ school issues), economic perceptions, and grassroots outreach all shaped 2024 behavior in Somali enclaves. Those stories document shifts in partisan support and active persuasion and mobilization — important context for turnout patterns even if they don't yield a single turnout percentage ^{[2] [4] [8]}.

6. Competing perspectives in the sources

The sources present two competing narratives: one emphasizing sustained high engagement and political organization among Somalis (town halls, candidate outreach) and another documenting a measurable softening of Democratic support and precinct variability in Minneapolis, implying turnout and vote choice were fluid in 2024 ^{[1] [2]}. The supplied materials do not adjudicate whether turnout rose, fell or stayed steady for the national Somali diaspora; they simply document activity and changing preferences in key locales ^{[2] [8]}.

7. What a reliable answer would require

To produce a defensible turnout rate for Somali‑American eligible voters in 2024 would require either: (a) a targeted post‑election survey with validated voting records that identifies Somali ancestry, or (b) administrative turnout data matched to self‑reported ancestry in a way that preserves privacy and accuracy. Neither approach is visible in the current reporting set; the Census CPS release and national turnout databases referenced here do not supply a Somali‑specific turnout metric within the supplied corpus ^{[7] [9]}.

Bottom line

The reporting available to this article documents active Somali civic engagement and shifting partisan patterns in 2024 — especially in Minnesota — but does not provide a verified national turnout rate for Somali‑American eligible voters. Claims about a 75% turnout appear in secondary excerpts without primary sourcing in the supplied files and should be treated as unverified until backed by a source that reports methodology and verified counts ^{[6] [5] [7]}.